Reports from early records

For Kojiji versions of the miscegenations of the gods that are said to have been the progenitors of the imperial family, see the following article.

The journey to Kasasa:
Paradise found and lost in the land of Hayato

Translation   Also Shiragians [Sillans] came proceeding across [the sea to Yamato]. Due to [In view of] this Takenouchi [Takeshiuchi] no Sukune no Mikoto took [them] and put [them] to work on embankments and ponds, and built the Kudara [Paekche] Pond.

Kanbun   亦新羅人参渡来。是以建内宿禰命引率、爲役渡之堤池而、作百濟池。(NKBT 1:248)

Yamato translation   Mata Shiragibito mawiwatarikitsu. Kore wo mochite Take[no]uchi no Sukune no Mikoto hikiwite, tsutsumi [to] ike [Note 2] ni edachite, Kudara no Ike wo tsukuriki. (NKBT 1:249).

tsutsumi [to] ike [Note 2] states that the line regarding the embankment and pond is confusing, and says that Kojiki kiden (古事記伝), Motoori Norinaga's late 18th century study of the Kojiki interprets it to mean "put to work on an embankment (堤 tsutsumi) and a pond (池 ike).

Chamberlain's translation   Again there came over [to Japan] some people from Shiragi. Therefore His Augustness the Noble Take-uchi, having taken them with him and set them to labour on pools and embankments, made the Pool of Kudara. [Note 5] (Chamberlain 1932:305)

Pool of Kudara [Note 5] "Doubtless so named after the Korean labourers employed upon it,--Kudara and Shiragi, as different parts of the same peninsula, being confounded in thought.*
  * Called, in the Nihongi, "the pool of the Han men."--W.G.A." [The "W.G.A." initials are those of W.G. Aston, whose comments are reproduced in the cited edition, since it was based on Aston's copy of Chamberlain's translation.]"

Philippi's translation   Also there came immigrants from Siragi. Therefore Takesi-uti-nö-sukune-nö-mikötö took command of them and conscripted them to make embankments and ponds [Note 2], thus making [the pond] Kudara-nö-ikï. [Note 3] (Philippi 1969:284).

Comments

came proceeding across

The NKBT Yamato translation fuses "proceed, cross, come" (参渡来) into a compound verb which retains this sequence of three actions. Chamberlain captures the original better than Philippi, who degrades the narrative from "some Shiragi came across" (which shows the action) to "some immigrants came from Silla" (which characterizes the actors). See 467 Kure man from Kudara in the Nihon shoki for a similar three-graph expression.

Sukune no Mikoto

Takenouchi (Takeshiuchi) no Sukune appears in a number of Kojiki and Nihon shoki legends. The bigger than life figure served a number of sovereigns, including Ōjin and his father Chūai. He is also said to have accompanied Jingū, who was Ōjin's mother and regent, during her fabled invasion of Korea. Only the gods know how much any of this is true.

Kudara [Paekche] Pond

Why a pond built by Silla labor should be named after Paekche is odd. See 276 Koreans build pond for the more plausible Nihon shoki account of this story.

Translation   Also the ancestors of the Hata no Miyatsuko, the ancestors of the Aya no Atahe, as well as someone who knew [how to] brew drink, named Niho and also named Susukori, came proceeding across [the sea to Yamato].

Kanbun   又秦造之祖、漢直之祖、及知醸酒人、名仁番、亦名須須許理等参渡来也。(NKBT 1:248)

Yamato translation   Mata Hata no Miyatsuko no oya, Aya no Atahe no oya, mata sake wo kamu koto wo shireru hito, na ha Niho, mata no na ha Susukori domo, maiwatarikitsu. (NKBT 1:249)

Chamberlain's translation   Again there came over [to Japan] the ancestor of the Hada Rulers, the ancestor of the Aya Suzerains, and likewise a man who knew how to distil liquor, and whose name was Nim-pan, while another name for him was Susukori. (Chamberlain 1932:307)

Philippi's translation   Again there immigrated the ancestor of the Miyatuko of the Pata, the ancestor of the Atape of the Aya [Note 9], and a man who knew how to brew wine, whose name was Nipo; he was also named Susuköri (Philippi 1969:285).

the ancestor of the Atape of the Aya [Note 9] "For the ancestor of the Pata (the "Lord of Yutsuki") and of the Aya, see Aston, I, 261, 264-65. We are told that the ancestor of the Aya and his son brought with them "a company of their people of seventeen districts." Ibid., p. 265. Tsuda denies that the early immigrants could have come in such great numbers. Nihon koten no kenkyū, II, 232-33. See also 118:6."

Comments

Hata and Aya

Hata [Hada] and Aya are "uji" or clan (lineage) names. See 283 Hata seamstress sent and 283 Kudara prince submits for the accounts of Hata and Aya ancestors in the Nihon shoki and further details about the indentities of the continental migrants who are here said to be the progenitors of these lineage groups in Yamato.

Chamberlain makes numerous remarks about Hata and Aya, mostly to the effect that their use to represent the Chinese names 秦 and 漢 is "difficult to account for" (Chamberlain 1932:307, notes 1 and 2).

Phillipi refers his readers to Aston for more commentary (Philippi 1969:285, note 9).

Miyatsuko and atahe

"Miyatsuko" and "atahe" [atahi] are "kabane" or titles. Families were referred to according to formulae like "X uji no Y kabane" meaning "Y kabane of the X uji". It appears that migrants did not acquire titles until they were given particular kabane reflecting their assigned responsibities.

The term "kuni no miyatsuko" was not a kabane but an office of government meaning "governor of a province" (Philippi 1969:504-506). The most common kabane of such governors was atahe [atai] heads of other entities were more likely given the kabane "miyatsuko" (Philippi 1969:523) As a kabane, miyatsuko was also expressed "tomo no miyatsuko" as in the Nihon shoki reference to "Hata no Tomo no Miyatsuko" (see below).

Taika and Tenmu reforms

In the wake of the Taika reforms of 645, particular after the sweeping administrative changes implemented by Tenmu in 684, many clans were awarded different kabane. Tenmu simplied the ranking system by reducing a very long list of kabane titles to just eight -- (1) mahito, (2) asomi, (3) sukune, (4) imiki, (5) michinoshi, (6) omi, (7) muraji, and (8) inaki. The first two titles were reserved mostly for clans closely related through lineage to the reigning monarch (Miller 1974:15-16). See 684 Tenmu's kabane edict below for a fuller account of the kabane reforms.

Though muraji survived Tenmu's cut it changed its meaning. Most former muraji became omi or sukune, the second and third highest titles in the new order. Muraji, now seventh, was conferred mostly on former miyatsuko (Miller 1974:38-39).

Atahe [atae, atahi, atai] was a kabane generally associated with provincial governors and others of comparable rank (Philippi 1969:466). The title was also conferred on officials reponsible to the court in some capacity other than as a governor (Miller 1974:95).

Hata and Aya clans elevated

Aya clans were differentiated by the province in which they had settled. Between 682-684, both the Yamato no Aya and the Kafuchi [Kauchi / Kawachi] no Aya, which had been atahi, and the Hata, which had been miyatsuko, became muraji. Eleven other shoban [continental origin] clans, including the Kudara no Miyatsuko, likewise became muraji (Miller 1974:191-193). Then in 685, the two Aya no Muraji, the Hata no Muraji, and another shoban muraji or two were elevated to imiki, the fourth ranking kabane (Miller 1974:197)

For Nihon shoki versions of the miscegenations of the gods that are said to have been the progenitors of the imperial family, see the following article.

The journey to Kasasa:
Paradise found and lost in the land of Hayato

Translation   [The sovereign] commanded [his] generals and ministers and said, "Now those who have rebelled have completely prostrated to punishment [by death]. The inner provinces are without events. Only the rioting people beyond the sea [in remote territories], their rampages have not stopped. Generals of the four roads, now hasten and set out [to pacify them]." On the 22nd [day], the generals together set out on [their respective] roads.

Kanbun   詔群臣曰、今反者悉伏誅。畿内無事。唯海外荒俗、騷動未止。其四道將軍等、今忽發之。丙子、將軍等共發路。(NKBT 67:249)

Yamato translation   Maetsukimi ni mikotonori shite notamahaku, "Ima somukerishi mono futsuku ni tsumi ni fusu. Uchitsukuni [Note 2] ni ha koto nashi. Tadashi wata no hoka [Note 3] no araburu hitodomo nomi, toyoku koto imada yamazu. Sore yotsu no michi no ikusa no kimitachi, ima tachimachi ni makare" to notamafu. Hinoene no hi ni, ikusa no kimitachi, tomo ni michitachi su. (NKBT 67:248)

Aston's translation   The Emperor gave command to his Ministers, saying:--"The rebels have now all yielded themselves to execution and there is peace in the home district. But the savage tribes abroad [Note 5] continue to be tumultuous. Let the generals of the four roads now make haste to set out." On the 22nd day, the four generals set out on their journeys simultaneously. (Aston 1:159)

Comments

Uchitsukuni (Kinai)

Note 2 to the NKBT translation observes that 畿内 -- which it renders "uchi-tsu-kuni", meaning "provinces within" or "inner provinces" -- is a Chinese-style term for the court's dominion.

As a term used in Yamato texts, 畿内 was used to mean, as it did in Chinese, a territory within the immediate jurisdiction of the court. During the Yamato, Nara, and Heian periods in Japan, it referred to the provinces of Yamato, Yamashiro, Kawachi, Izumi, and Settsu -- the heartland of the Yamato court, which moved its capital several times within Yamato (Asuka, Nara) and Yamashiro (Nagaoka, Kyoto).

Today 畿内 is usually read Kinai in Sino-Japanese. As a geographical term, it now refers more narrowly to the Keihanshin (京阪神) area of Kyoto [kei], Osaka [han], and Kobe [shin] in the larger and more vaguely Kansai (関西) [west of the pass] region of Japan.

Kinki (近畿) -- its counterpart, meaning "near [in and around] the [court, capital, inner] provinces" -- embraces Mie, Shiga, Kyoto, Osaka, Hyogo, Nara, and Wakayama prefectures -- i.e., the immediately .

Wata no hoka (kaigai)

Note 3 the NKBT Yamato translation remarks that 海外 -- which it renders "wata no hoka" -- means 畿外 (kigai) [outside the (sovereign's) dominion] as opposed to 畿内 (kinai) [inside the (sovereign's) dominion] -- and not "umi no soto" [beyond the sea].

However, "wata no hoka" would also seem to mean "beyond the sea". Man'yōshū has numerous expressions like 綿之底 and 海底, both read "wata no soko" and meaning "bottom of the sea" (see e.g. Man'yoshu 7, 1223 and 1290, as in NKBT 5, Man'yoshu 2). Note that "wataru" meaning "to cross [over]" contains the root "wata" and is written by graphs meaning to cross a sea, river, or other body of water, or an expanse like such, by some means such as a boat or bridge ((渡る wataru) or on foot (渉る wataru).

"Wata" [wada] appears to have the same linguistic roots as "pada" (바다), the Korean word for "sea". The Korean term for "opposite / across / beyond the sea" is "pada kŏnnŏ" (바다 건너). The Sino-Korean term is "haeoe" (海外 해외). Some linguists (according to Kōjien) suspect that "wata" morphed from "wochi" (ヲチ) meaning "far" (遠< tooku).

Note 5 to Aston's translation qualifies "abroad" -- its rendering of the term -- as follows.

Lit. outside the sea. This is a Chinese expression which must not be taken too literally. The Ainos may be referred to. But the whole passage seems inspired by recollections from Chinese literature, and is probably entirely fictitious.

However, the story might be a vestige of an oral account of conflict with people from across a strait between two territories. Or perhaps "wata" referred to what came to be called the Inland Sea, or even lake Biwa (which qualifies as an "umi"), if not a broad river that marked a boundary between the settled provinces and the unsettled territories at the time the story originated.

Rioting people

"Rioting people" reflects 荒俗 (kōzoku), or "araburu hitodomo" in the Yamato translation -- meaning "people who quarrel [row, riot]" -- i.e., rowdy, rambunctious people who rebel against the sovereign's will, go on rampages, or otherwise behave violently. 俗 (zoku) refers to ordinary people, commoners, the masses.

Generals of the four roads

The fours roads (四道 shidō) were the roads that led from the inner provinces to the outer provinces, namely (1) Hokuriku (北陸), north then northeast along what is now called the Japan Sea by Japan and the Easter Sea by the two Koreas, (2) Tōkai (東海), northeast along or near the Pacific coast, (3) Seidō (西道) or San'yō (山陽), southwest along the Inland Sea, and (4) Tanba (丹波) or San'in (山陰), north and then southwest along the Japan Sea.

The generals (将軍 shōgun) of these roads were the commanders dispatched by Sujin to subdue the territories in the four directions from the inner provinces.

Translation   The generals of the four roads reported [to the soveriegn] the state of pacifying the barbarians. This year many exotic [other, different] people submitted, and the land was quiet and peaceful.

Kanbun   四道將軍、以平戎夷之状奏焉。 　是歳、異俗多歸、國内安寧。(NKBT 67:249)

Yamato translation   Yotsu no michi no ikusa no kimi, hina wo muketaru katachi wo mote mousu. Kotoshi, atashi kuni no hito ooku maukite, kuni no uchi yasuraka nari. (NKBT 67:248)

Aston's translation   The generals of the four roads reported to the Emperor the circumstances of their pacification of the savages. This year strange tribes came in great numbers and there was tranquility throughout the land. (Aston 1:160)

Comments

submitted

submitted reflects 歸 (帰 ki), which the NKBT Yamato translation renders "maukite", a continuative form of "mauku", one of several related terms that are associated with 参来 (sanrai). Aston follows the convention of rendering 帰, which in this case means something like "submit", as though it meant 参来, which means simply "proceed and come" as when describing someone's visit to a higher status or sacred person or place.

"barbarians"

barbarians reflects 戎夷 (jūi), or "hina" in the Yamato translation. As a Chinese term, 戎 (jū) refers to the four directions, and 夷 (i) is the general name for the different races to the east of China. Both 戎 and 夷 are also used to graph the Yamato terms "ebisu" and variants like "emishi", which were used to refer to "ezo" or "Ainu". As a Yamato term, "hina" refers to the people of a rural or remote area (鄙 hina), who have not yet come under the control of, or settled and edified by, an enlightened sovereign.

exotic [other, different] people reflects 異俗 (izoku), or "atashi [adashi] kuni no hito" [people of other, different countries] in the Yamato translation. One gets the impression from this and many similar Yamato expressions (see other accounts in this article) that they have been contrived to interpret rather than closely translate the Chinese text.

Translation   [The sovereign] commanded, We . . . [We] also have passed down [our] teachings, and moreover have appeased the rioting people and with raised troops addressed [their] disobedience. Consequently, in government there is nothing wasted, below there are no idle people. Cultivation is spreading, and the masses enjoy their work. Exotic people with interpretors have come, and [people from] beyond the sea have already submitted and changed.

Kanbun   詔、朕 . . . 。亦垂教、而綏荒俗、舉兵以討不服。是以、官無廢事、下無逸民。教化流行、衆庶樂業。異俗重譯來、海外既歸化。. . . 。(NKBT 67:249)

Yamato translation   Mikotonori suraku [Note 7], "Ware, . . . Mata nori wo tarete, araburu hitodomo wo yasumi shi, ikusa wo agete matsurohanu wo utsu. Koko wo mote, ohoyake ni [Note 9] sutaretaru koto naku, shimo ni kakururu tami nashi. Omobukuru koto yukiokonaharete, ohomitakara waza wo tanoshibu. Atashi kuni no hito [Note 11] mo wosa wo kasanete mauku. Watanohoka made mo sude ni mauomobukinu. . . . (NKBT 67:248)

Aston's translation   The following decree was issues:-- " . . . We have also dispensed Our instructions and thus pacified the savage tribes, and by force of arms have chastised those who refused submission. In this way authority has been maintained, while below there are no retired people. Education is widespread; the multitude take delight in their industries; [Note 3] strange tribes come employing several interpreters; the countries beyond the sea offer allegiance. . . ." (Aston 1:160)

Comments

Flattering Hanshu

Mikotonori suraku   Note 7 to NKBT's Yamato translation shows that the first part of this account, which I have omitted but marked with ellipses ( . . . ), is based on an imperial pronouncment in the chronicle on Cheng Di (r32-7 BCE) in Hanshu [Book of Han], a history of the western or former Han dynasty (BCE 206-9 CE). The history was begun by Ban Biao (Pan Piao, 3-54 CE), continued by his son Ban Gu (Pan Ku, 32-92 CE), and finished by his daughter Ban Zhao (Pan Chao, 35-100 CE). The NKBT compilers cite the relevant lines from Hanshu after stating that Nihon shoki compilers write the omitted passage in order to set the stage for events described a bit later in the chapter on Sōjin's reign. (NKBT 67:248, note 7)

In fact, lines from a number of Chinese dynastic histories and other texts have been woven into the Nihon shoki to make it appear as though Yamato generally, and the Yamato court in particular, had been as sophisticated as China and Chinese courts. Sometimes Chinese sources were paraphrased, but mostly they were copied in a manner that today would draw a lawsuit for plagiary.

At the same time, such passages are evidence that Nihon shoki compilers were thoroughly versed in Chinese historiography. Their mandate to write a history of the Yamato court probably carried with it an obligation to show their mastery of Chinese learning.

Why bother to write such a history in Chinese, if not to flatter the continental sources of wisdom then spreading throughout Yamato's dominion? The main reason most people learned Latin through classical texts was to later display (and thereby transmit) their knowledge -- pretty much as I am doing now with my limited command of archaic languages I neither speak or write, nor read with ease.

Assimilation as a measure of success

ohoyake ni   Note 9 to NKBT's Yamato translation shows that the lines which I have translated "in government . . . enjoy their work" are practically identical to lines from the Hongjia 2-3 [19 BCE] section of Hanshu.

Note 3 to Aston's translation makes the following observation about the same lines.

From "authority" to "industries" is copied from a Chinese History of the Han Dynasty. The whole decree is utterly impossible as a document of Japanese History at this period. It is as Chinese as can be.

To put all this in perspective -- the compilers of the Nihon shoki, working in the late 7th and early 8th centuries, have put into the mouth of a Yamato sovereign who probably reigned no earlier than the middle of the 3rd century, words attributed by 1st-century-CE Chinese historians to a 1st-century-BCE Chinese sovereign.

Presumably Aston thinks the decree or edict (詔 shō, mikotonori) is "utterly impossible" because the thinking behind it did not exist in Yamato during Sujin's times. It did, however, exist by the time the Nihon shoki was written. And while the Sinified praise of Sujin's rule may be entirely ahistorical, it reflects how his successors measured his success, to wit: The Yamato court is virtuous to the degree that overseas and other exotic people want to submit to its rule and assimilate into its dominion.

Exotic people [from] beyond the sea

Atashi kuni no hito   Note 11 to NKBT's Yamato translation makes the following remark about 異俗 (izoku) read "atashikuni no hito" [exotic people] and 海外 (kaigai) read "wata no hoka" [beyond the sea].

There are no entries about of foreigners (外国人 gaikokujin) coming to the court (来朝 raichō) or submitting and changing (帰化 kika) until this. Or does this refer to the account of the subjugation outside the [sovereign's] dominion (畿外服属 kigai fukuzoku) by the generals of the four roads (四道将軍 shidō shōgun)?

Translation   Komans [Koryoans], Kudarans [Paekcheans], Mimanans [Imnans], and Shiragians [Sillans] together came to the court. Then [the sovereign] ordered Takeshiuchi no Sukune to lead the various Karans [Koreans] and build a pond. For [this] reason [Consequently], [they] named the pond and titled [it] Karan [Korean] Pond

Kanbun   高麗人・百済人・任那人・新羅人、並来朝。時命武内宿禰、領諸韓人等作池。因以、名池号韓人池。(NHBT 67:367)

Yamato translation   Komabito, Kudarabito, Mimanabito, Shirakihito, narabi ni maukeri. Toki ni Takeshiuchi no Sukune ni mikotonori shite, moromoro no Karabito ra wo hikiwite ike wo tsukurashimu. Yorite, ike wo nadzukete Karabito ike to ifu. (NHBT 67:366)

Aston's translation   Men of Koryo, men of Pèkché, men of Imna, and men of Silla [Note 3] all together attended the Court. Orders were then given to Takechi no Sukune to take these various men of Han and make them dig a pond. Therefore the pond was given a name, and was called the pond of the men of Han. [Note 4] (Aston 1:257)

Silla [Note 3] "The traditional kana rendering has Koma, Kudara, Mimana and Shiraki."
Han [Note 4] "Or 'men of Kara.' Compare Ch[amberlain]. K[ojiki]., p. 252."

Comments

See 300s Shiragians build pond for the Kojiki version of this story.

Came to the court

The NKBT Yamato translation reduces "raichō" (来朝) to "mauku", which is also used to translate 参来 (sanrai), meaning "proceed and come" (see above). Today this would be something like "maitte kuru" or just "mairu", meaning a coming (going) to a prestigeous or sacred place. As will be evident throughout this article, the received Yamato translations tend to conflate related but different Chinese expressions into fewer Yamato terms.

Kanbun   百濟王貢縫衣工女。曰眞毛津。是今來目衣縫之始也。是歳、弓月君自百濟來歸。因以奏之曰、臣領己國之人夫百廿縣而歸化。然因新羅人之拒、皆留加羅國。爰遣葛城襲津彦、而召弓月之人夫於加羅。然經三年、而襲津彦不來焉。(NKBT 67:371)

Yamato translation   Kudara no Kokishi, kinunuhiwomina wo tatematsu. Maketsu to ifu. Kore, ima no Kume no Kinunuhi no hajime no oya nari. / Kotoshi, Yutsuki no Kimi, Kudara yori maukeri. Yorite maushite mausaku, "Yatsukare, ono ga kuni no tami momo-amari-hatachi no kohori wo hikinute mauku. Shikaredomo Shirakihito no fuseku ni yorite, mina Kara no kuni ni todomareri" to mausu. Koko ni Kadzuraki no Sotsubiko wo tsukaha shite, Yutsuki no tami wo Kara ni mesu. Shikaredomo mitose furu made ni, Sotsubiko maukozu. (NKBT 67:370)

Aston's translation   The King of Pèkché sent as tribute a seamstress named Maketsu. She was the first ancestress of the present seamstresses of Kume. This year the Lord of Yutsuki came from Pèkché and offered his allegiance. According he addressed the Emperor, saying:--"Thy servant was coming to offer allegiance with one hundred and twenty districts of the people of his own land, when the men of Silla prevented them, and they were all forced to remain in the land of Kara." Hereupon Katsuraki no Sotsuhiko was sent to bring the men of Yutsuki from Kara. Now three years passed, and Sotsuhiko did not come. (Aston 1:261)

Comments

Maketsu and Kume

Nothing more is known about Maketsu. This is the first of several accounts of clothes sewers and weavers, among others with skills in high demand, who came to Yamato, were assigned to work somewhere, and were remembered as the founders of a family of like artisans. Yūryaku 14 Spring 1-13 mentions "Aya [Han] weavers and Kure [Wu] weavers, as well as the clothes sewers Ehime and Otohime" (NKBT 67:370, note 10, 490-491).

Kume was a village in the province of Yamato. The locality is now associated with Kume-cho in Kashihara city in Nara prefecture. (NKBT 67:370, note 10, 490-491)

Conflation of 来帰, 帰化, and 来

Here we see very clearly the function of 帰 (ki) in Chinese -- if we ignore the Japanese translation, which reduces both 来帰 (raiki) and 帰化 (kika) to "mauku" (come) -- the same expression used to render 来朝 (raichō) in the preceding account -- and embraces the 来 of 不来 into this conflation.

While true that one has to "come" in order to submit and change allegiance, conflation of a variety of expressions in Chinese to a single expression in Yamato (or in Japanese) results in loss of detail. Though readers of a translation that shows the original text may notice the graphs and thereby appreciate the nuances, popular adaptations are likely to replace less familiar expressions with 渡来 (torai) and 帰化 (kika) -- the terms most commonly encountered in present-day textbooks in Japan.

Translation   The Yamato no Aya no Atai ancestor Achi no Omi, and his son Tsuka no Omi, together lead 17 districts of their own confederates, and came and submitted.

Kanbun   倭漢直祖阿知使主、其子都加使主、並率己之黨類十七縣、而來歸焉。(NKBT 67:375)

Yamato translation   Yamato no Aya no Atahi no oya Achi no Omi, sono ko Tsuka no Omi, narabi ni ono ga tomogara [Note 4] towo-amari-nanatsu no kohori wo wite, maukeri. (NKBT 67:374)

Aston's translation   Achi no Omi, ancestor of the Atabe of the Aya of Yamato, and his son Tsuga no Omi immigrated to Japan, bringing with them a company of their people of seventeen districts. (Aston 1:264-265)

Comments

Account of massive migration

Note 4 to NKBT's Yamato translation contends that there was no massive migration to from the peninsula at the time of this account.

Is contending that [the two Aya men] came with so many people in attendance a reflection of the situation after the 6th century, when [Yamato] came to embrace numerous kika-related minor clans [kouji] (e.g., Ayahito, Suguri) and guild people [bemin] (e.g., Ayabe)? A list [of these clans and guild people] can be seen in lost text (逸文 itsubun) of the Shōjiroku (姓氏録) cited in the Sakanoue keizu (坂上系図).

"Sakanoue keizu" is a geneology of the Sakanoue clan, which is associated with migrants from the Korean peninsula. The geneology reportedly claims that the clan descended from Achi no Omi, hence its mention in the above note. A copy of the geneology can be found in Zoku Gunsho ruijū (続群書類従), Volume 7, Part 2. Apparently it includes information that is thought to have been part of the original Shinsen Shōjiroku (新撰姓氏録), which survives only in the form of a catalog of excerpts.

Sakanoue no Tamuramaro

The most famous member of the clan was Sakanoue no Tamuramaro (坂上田村麻呂 758-811). He is known for having built the first Kiyomizudera in Kyoto. He is better known, though, as a general sent north by Emperor Kanmu to suppress the indigenous Emishi (蝦夷). This continued to be his mission in the service of Heizei, Kanmu's older son, and Saga, a younger son. The sibling princes did not get along. Tamuramaro also served Kanmu's father Kōnin.

That Kanmu should entrust a vital military mission to someone of peninsular ancestry is not suprising. The Shoku Nihongi, which Kanmu commissioned shortly after his mother died, clearly states that she was a descendant of a Paekche king and even gives details of her lineage -- a well-known fact publicly broached by Akihito in 2001. Fujiwara no Tsugutada, one of the compilers, was also of Paekche ancestry, as were many members of the Fujiwara clan, including the Fujiwara daughters who became consorts of future sovereigns and other princes.

Sakanoue no Tamuramaro was also known as Sakanoue no Karitamaro, at times his name included Ōimiki (大忌寸), a kabane title. In a 785 note concerning a promotion of Sakanoue Ōimiki no Karitamaro (坂上大忌寸苅田麻呂) and others, the Shoku Nihongi observes that Sakanoue's clan (本) had descended from Achi Ō (阿智王), a great-grandchild of the Later [Eastern] Han Emperor Ling (後漢霊帝 156-189, r168-189) (Shoku Nihongi 38, Enryaku 4-6-10, 785-7-24 [20], SZKT SN-2:508, 臣等本是後漢霊帝之曾孫阿智王之後也). Yamato no Atahi name ascribed to was one of several that migrated to Yamato bringing their learning and skills as craftsmen and scribes.

Suguri

Suguri [village chief] is an early kabane from Korea. Nihon shoki associates it with a guild of scribes [fumibe, fumihito] apparently in Kafuchi, Yamato (Yuryaku 2-10 [458], NKBT 67:465 and note 25, Aston 1:340-341).

Ahistorical translation

Though Aston has previously rendered "raiki" (来帰) as "came and offered allegiance", here he prefers "immigrated to Japan" -- which is doubly achronistic, since "immigration" is a modernesque term, and "Japan" does not qualify as another name for Yamato for another two or three centuries.

Translation   There existed [a person] who escaped, changed, and came [to Yamato] from Kudara [Paekche]. [He] styled himself by the name of Kuwishin. [He] is also styled as Kuwishin, a person of the country of Kure [Wu]. Ihare no Kure no Kotohiki, Sakate no Yakatamaro, and others, are his descendants.

Kanbun   有従百済国逃化来者。自称名曰貴信。又称貴信呉国人也。磐余呉琴弾壃手屋形麻呂等、是其後也。(NKBT 67:359)

Yamato translation   Kudara no kuni yori nigemaukeru hito ari. Midzukara nanorite Kuwishin to ifu. Mata ihaku, Kuwishin ha Kure no kuni no hito nari to ifu. Ihare no Kure no Kotohiki / Sakate no Yakatamaro ra ha, kore sono nochi nari. (NKBT 67:486)

Aston's translation   There was a refugee from Pékchè who gave his name as Kwisin. It was also stated that Kwisin was a man of the Land of Wu. The Ihare no Kure [Note 2] no Kotobiki and the Sakate no Yakata-maro are his descendants. (Aston 1:359)

Kure [Note 2] "Kure is the same as Wu, a part of China. Kotobiki means lute-player. It came to be a proper name."

Comments

escape, change, come

The NKBT Yamato translation fuses "escape, change, come" (逃化来) into a compound verb which retains this sequence of three actions in relation to "from Kudara" (従百済国). Aston renders this action as an explanation ("refugee"), thus interpreting rather than translating the text. See 300s Shiragians build pond in the Kojiki for a similar three-graph expression.

Translation   The Hata people [Hada no tami] were dispersed [to local] Omi, Muraji, and others, and each [local offical] according to [his] desire drove and used [them]. [They] did not delegate [entrust, leave] [matters to] the Hata no Miyatsuko. Because of this the Hata no Miyatsuko Sake with excess became distressed [concerned] [became very concerned], and [he] rendered [services] to the sovereign [sumera mikoto > tennō]. The sovereign loved and favored this. [The sovereign] commanded [his ministers] to assemble the Hata people, and [he] granted [them] to the head [kimi] of the Hata no Sake. The head accordingly led and commanded 180 kinds of superior [craftsmen], and [he] offerred and presented tax and tribute of silk and fabrics, and [they] packed and piled [up in] [filled] the court. Consequently [the sovereign] granted [him] the title [kabane] called Utsumasa. < One [text] says, Utsumorimasa, and [this] is a form of everything filling and piling. >

Kanbun   秦民分散臣連等、各随欲駆使。勿委秦造。由是、秦造酒甚以為憂、而仕於天皇。々々愛寵之。詔聚秦民、賜於秦酒公。々仍領率百八十種勝、奉献庸調絹縑、充積朝庭。因賜姓曰禹豆麻佐。 < 一云、禹豆母利麻佐、皆盈積之貌也。 > (NKBT 67:493, 495)

Yamato translation   Hada no tami wo Omi Muraji ra ni akachite, Onoono negahi no manima ni tsukamatsurashimu. Hada no Miyatsuko no yuta ni shimezu. Kore ni yorite, Hada no Miyatsuko Sake, nihesa ni mote urehe to shite, Sumera Mikoto ni tsukahematsuru. Sumera Mikoto, utsukushibi megumitamafu. Mikotonori shite Hata no tami wo torite, Hada no Sake no Kimi ni tamafu. Kimi, yorite momo-amari-yaso no suguri wo hikiwite, chikaratsuki no kinu katori wo tatematsurite, Mikado ni tsumu. Yorite kabane wo tamahite Utsumasa to ifu. < Aru ni ihaku, Utsumorimasa to iheru ha, mina mitetsumeru katachi nari. > (NKBT 67:493-494)

Aston's translation   The Hada House [Note 4] was dispersed. The Omi and Muraji each enforced their services at pleasure, and would not allow the Hada no Miyakko to control them. Consequently Sake, Hada no Miyakko, made a great grievance of this, and took office with the Emperor. The Emperor loved and favored him, and commanded that the Hada House should be assembled and given to Lord Sake of Hada. So this Lord, attended by excellent Be workmen of 180 [Note 1] kinds, presesnted as industrial taxes fine silks, which were piled up so as to fill the Court. Therefore he was granted a title, viz. Udzu-masa. < Some say Udzumori masa, the appearance of all being piled up so as to fill. [Note 2] > (Aston 1:364)

Comments

Utsumasa as Utsumorimasa

As Aston observes, the interlineal comment at the end of this account reflects an effort to name the actor (Utsumasa) after his act (Utsumorimasa). In the comment, "Utsu-mori-masa" is being equated with "mina-mite-tsume" since (1) "utsu" = "mina" (皆) meaning "everything", (2) "mori" = "mite" (盈) meaning "filling" (< mitsu, to fill), and (3) "masa" = "tsume" (積) meaning "piling" (< tsumu, to pile). "Mitetsumeru" in the Yamato translation is the attributive form (連体形 rentaikei) of "mitetsumu" -- i.e., "mitetsume + ru".

Translation   [The sovereign] commanded the provinces and districts suitable for mulberries to plant mulberries. [He] again dispersed and moved the Hata people and made them offer tax and tribute.

Kanbun   詔、宜桑国県殖桑。又散遷秦民、使献庸調。(NKBT 67:495)

Yamato translation   Mikotonori shite, kuha ni yoki kuni agata ni shite kuwa wo uweshimu. Mata Hada no tami wo akachite utsushite, chikaratsuki wo tatematsurashimu. (NKBT 67:494)

Aston's translation   The Emperor ordered those provinces and districts which were suitable for mulberry trees to plant mulberry trees. He again dispersed to other places the Hada House, and made them bring tribute of industrial taxes. (Aston 1:365)

Translation   [The sovereign] commanded [his ministers] to assemble the Aya guild [Ayabe] and establish its Tomo no Miyatsuko. [He] granted [the Aya no Tomo no Miyatsuko clan] the title [kabane] of Atahi.

Kanbun   詔、聚漢部、定其伴造者。賜姓曰直。 < 一云、賜、漢使主等、賜姓曰直也。 > (NKBT 67:495)

Yamato translation   Mikotonari, "Ayabe wo tsudohete, sono Tomo no Miyatsuko no hito wo sadame yo" to no tamaheri. Kabane wo tamahite Atahe to ifu. < Aru ni ihaku, tamafu to ha, Aya no Omi ra ni, kabane wo tamahite Atahe to ifuzo. > (NKBT 67:494)

Aston's translation   The Emperor ordered the Aya Be to be brought together, and established their Tomo no Miyakko, granting him the title of Atahe. < One book says:--"Granted the Aya no Omi the title of Atahe." > (Aston 1:365)

Translation   The king of Kudara sent prince Shiga and offerred tribute. Separately [he] wrote and said, "Mana, the envoy who previously offerred tribute, was not a [member of the] bone-clan of the head of the country of Kudara. Hence [I] respectfully send Shiga [who] will carry out matters [perform duties, serve] at [your] court." Then [Shiga] had a son, [and he] is called prince Hōshi. [He] is the progenitor of [the] Yamato no Kimi [clan].

Kanbun   百済王遣期我君進調。別表曰、前進調使麻那者、非百済国主之骨族也。故謹遣斯我奉事於朝。遂有子、曰法師君。是倭君之先也。(NKBT 68:17)

Yamato translation   Kudara no Kokishi, Shiga kishi wo madashite, mitsukitatematsuru. Koto ni fumitatematsurite mausaku, "Saki ni mitsukitatematsureru tsukahi Mana ha, Kudara no kuni no nirimu [Note 8] no yakara [Note 9] ni arazu. Kare, tsutsushimite Shiga wo madashite, mikado ni tsukaetatematsurashimu" to mausu. Tsuhi ni ko arite, Hofushi-kishi to ifu. Kore Yamato no Kimi [Note 10] no oya nari. (NKBT 68:16).

Aston's translation   The King of Pèkché sent Lord Shika with tribute, and a separate memorial, saying:--"Mana, the previous tribute-messenger, was no relation to the Sovereigns of Pèkché. Therefore I humbly send Shika to wait upon the Court." He eventually had a son named Lord Pöp-să. He was the ancestor of the Kimi of Yamato. (Aston 1:406)

Translation   Kudara [Paekche] prince Junda [Sunta] passes away.

Kanbun   百済太子淳陀薨。(NKBT 68:29)

Yamato translation   Kudara no koniseshimu [Note 13] Junda miusenu. (NKBT 68:28)

Aston's translation   Syun-ta, the eldest son of the King of Pèkché, died. (Aston 2:9)

Translation   A Mimana [Imna] envoy reported [to the court] and said, "Kena no Omi . . . . [He] does not attend to his official duties. It happens that Yamatoan and Mimanan [Imnan] people often produce children, disputes [concerning such offspring] are difficult to settle, and from the beginning there have not been any competent rulings. Kena no Omi likes to set up trials of boiling water, and says, 'Those who are truthful will not be scalded.' Those who are deceitful will definitely be scalded. Consequently, many have been thrown in boiling water, been scalded, and died. And [he] killed Natari and Shifuri, the Kara [Korea] children of Kibi. < [When] where a Great Yamato person [Yamatoan] has taken as his wife a barbaria [barbarian] woman [a woman of a neighboring (Kara) country] [a Karan woman] there is born [a child], [it] is a Kara child >. . . ."

Kanbun   任那使奏云、毛野臣 . . . 。懶聽政焉。爰以日本人與任那人、頻以兒息、諍訟難決、元無能判。毛野臣樂置誓湯曰、實者不爛。虚者必爛。是以、投湯爛死者衆。又殺吉備韓子那多利・斯布利、 < 大日本人、娶蕃女所生、爲韓子也 > 。. . . 。(NKBT 68:43, 45)

Yamato translation   Mimana no tsukahimaushite mausaku, "Kena no omi, . . . . Matsurigoto wo kiku ni yosohoshimisu. Koko ni Yamatohito to, Mimana no hito to no, shikiri ni koumeru wo mote, aragafu koto sadamegataki wo mote, hajime yori kotowaru koto nashi. Kena no Omi, konomite ukehiyu okite ihaku, 'Makoto naramu mono ha tadarezu. Itsuhari aramu mono ha kanarazu tadaremu' to ifu. Koko wo mote, yu ni meshite tadareshinuru mono ohoshi. Mata Kibi no Karako Natari, Shifuri wo koroshi, < Oho Yamato no hito, tonariguni no me wo torite umeru wo, Karako to su > . . . . (NKBT 68:43-44)

Aston's translation   An envoy from Imna made representation to the Emperor, saying:--" . . . . [Keno no Omi] is remiss in the discharge of his Governmental duties. Now there are frequent disputes between the people of Japan and the people of Imna respecting children, which are difficult to settle. None of these has ever been decided. Kena no Omi is fond of setting (the caldrons for) the ordeal of boiling water, and saying:--'Those who are in the right will not be scalded: those who are false will certainly be scalded.' Owing to this many persons have been scalded to death by plunging into the hot water. Moreover he has put to death Natari and Sapuri, Corean children of Kibi." < The children born of Japanese marriages with barbarian women were accounted Kara-ko. > . . . (Aston 2:22)

Comments

See 6th century in Before nationality: Being Japanese from antiquity to Meiji for a fuller discussion of the this account and its context.

Karako

"Kara" (韓) could mean "Korea" generally but probably refers only to the several smaller countries that were part of or near Mimana on the southernmost part of the peninsula with which Yamato was most intimately engaged. These countries included Kaya (伽耶, 伽倻), which is often equated with 加羅 (Kara), which is sometimes the name for the entire group of smaller countries that partly or entirely formed Mimana.

The "ko" (子) could mean "child" or "offspring" without regard to sex, but in many classical and even in some present-day contexts it refers to a patrilineal male descendant or son.

The "kara" (韓) of Karako (韓子) is the "han" of Hanguk (韓国 한국) and the "kan" of Kankoku (韓国 かんこく), the Sino-Korean and Sino-Japanese names for the Republic of Korea. There was, of course, no "Korea" at the time -- north, south, east, or west. In fact, the term 韓国 (Karakuni) appears in Nihon shoki only as part of the personal name of a servant of the court.

A 672 account in Nihon shoki reports the feats of Iki no Fubito Karakuni (壹伎史韓國), who is described only as a general of Ōmi (近江 Afumi) province (NS 28, Tenmu 1-7-23, 672-8-24 [21], NKBT 68:400-405, Aston 2:315-318).

The term "Karako" appears in earlier (464 and 465) accounts of the Nihon shoki as the name of Soga no Karako no Sukune (蘇我韓子宿禰), an ancestor of the Sogas who figured so prominently in the turbulent birth of Japan from a Yamato belly impregnated by India through China, and by China through Korea. See Soga and Fujiwara wombs: The violent birth of Yamato harmony for an account of the fate of Soga no Karako's descendants, a few of which also had Koreanesque names.

Translation   Kudara [Paekche] person Kochifu throws [submits, presents] [himself] [to the sovereign, the court] and changes [his allegiance]. [The sovereign, the court] puts him in Yamamura in Sofunokami district [Note A] in Yamato province. [He] is the ancestor of the present Kochifu of Yamamura.

Kanbun   百済人己知部投化。置倭国添上郡山村。今山村己知部之先也。(NKBT 68:65)

Yamato translation   Kudara no hito Kochifu, onodzukara maukeri. Yamato no kuni no Sofunokami no Kohori no Yamamura ni haberashimu. Ima no Yamamura no Kochifu no oya nari. (NKBT 68:64)

Aston's translation   A man of Pèkché named Kwi-chi-pu came over as an emigrant. He was settled in Yamamura, in the district of Sofu no Kami, in the province of Yamato. He was the ancestor of the present Kochifu [Note 3] of Yamamura. (Aston 2:38)

Kochifu   Aston Note 3 says "The tradition Japanese rendering of the Corean name Kwuichipu."

Comments

Sofunokami

Translation Note A   Sofunokami district (添上郡 Sofu-no-kami no koori) in Yamato province corresponds to present-day Soekami district (添上郡 Soekami gun) in Nara prefecture. Apparently the name of the area was originally transcribed 曾布 (そふ) or 層富 (そほ) in Chinese script. The area was divided into upper (kami) and lower (shimo) parts that would translate "Upper Sofu" and "Lower Sofu". The name came be transcribed with 添, because this graph was used to represent the intransitive verb "sofu" (添ふ), which is "sou" (添う) in present-day orthography. "Soe" reflects the root of the transitive form "soeru" (< seheru).

Sofunokami / Soekami district / was the heart of Yamato province. From the start of the Meiji period in 1868, it included Nara-machi. From 1889, the town of Nara became a city, and as such it became independent of the county government.

A long process of mergers and annexations of remnant villages and towns further eroded the county until, by 1968, it consisted of only one village. This village had a population of fewer than 2,000 people in 2005 when it was incorporated into Nara city -- at which point the district ceased to exist, the child having consumed the last of its parent.

Translation   Emishi and Hayato, together leading their people, submitted and attached [themselves to the court].

Kanbun   蝦夷・隼人、並率衆歸附。(NKBT 68:65)

NHBT   Emishi, Hayahito, narabi ni tomogara wo wite maukishitagafu. (NKBT 68:64)

NHBT   The Yemishi and the Hayato, both bringing their people with them, came and rendered allegiance. (Aston 2:38)

Translation   Komans [Koryoans], Kudarans [Paekcheans], Shiragians [Sillans], and Mimanans [Imnans], together sent envoys and offerings, and together presented tribute and services. [The sovereign] summoned and assembled [people of] various barbarias [who] had thrown and changed, Hatans [Hatahito], Ayans [Ayahito], and others, and peacefully placed [settled] [them] in the provices and districts, and made and enrolled [them in] household registers. The number of Hatan [Hatahito] households was 7,053 households. [The sovereign] made Hata no Tomo no Miyatsuko the Director of Treasury.

Kanbun   高麗・百濟・新羅・任那、並遣使獻、並修貢職。召集秦人・漢人等、諸蕃投化者、安置國郡、編貫戸籍。秦人戸數、總七千五十三戸。以大藏掾、爲秦伴造。(NKBT 68:65)

Yamato translation   Koma・Kudara・Shiraki・Mimana, narabi ni tsukahi wo madashite monotatematsuri, narabi ni mitsuki tatematsuru. Hadahito・Ayahito ra, tonari no kuni no onodzukara maukeru hito wo meshitsudohete, kuni kohori ni haberashimete, he no fumita [Note 29] ni tsuku. Hadahito no he no kazu, subete nanachi-he-amari-iso-amari-mi-he. Ohkura no fubito wo mote, Hada no Tomo no Miya-tsu-ko to shitamafu. (NKBT 68:65)

Aston's translation   Koryö, Pèkché, Silla and Imna all sent envoys together to render tribute. The men of T'sin and of Han, etc., the emigrants from the various frontier nations were assembled together, settled in the provinces and districts, and enrolled in the registers of population. The men of T'sin [Note 4] numbered in all 7053 houses. The Director of the Treasury was made Hada no Tomo [Note 1] no Miyakko. (Aston 2:38-39)

Comments

NKBT Note 29 refers to end note 19-4 (page 551), which makes the following observation about 戸籍 (koseki, he no fumita).

Ledgers (帳簿 chōbo) in which [officials] have recorded the names (名 na), ages, and family relations et cetera of the people (人民 jinmin) for each single household (一戸ごとに ikko-goto ni) [we today] usually call household registers (戸籍).

The note goes on the embrace accounts in 569 [Nihon shoki Kinmei 30-1-1, Kinmei 30-4] concerning the enforcement of customs of enrolling families that cultivated fields for the purpose of collecting taxes in kind. It then points to the part of the Taika reforms of 646 concerning the establishment of household registers (see 646 Household registers).

Aston Note 4 makes the following observation.

T'sin and Han are the Chinese dynasties so called. These men must have been recent emigrants from China to Corea, or their near descendants who had not yet been merged in the general population. This statement throws light on Japanese ethnology. It shows that not only the upper classes, as appears from the "Seishiroku," [i.e., Shinsen shōjiroku] but the common people contained a large foreign (Chinese and Corean) element.

Aston Note 1 says "T'sin is called Hada in Japanese."

[people of] various barbarias [who] had thrown and changed reflects 諸蕃投化, which is translated in Yamato as "tonari no kuni no onodzukara maukeru hito" meaning "people of neighboring countries who came [the the court] of their own accord [as a matter of course]".

various barbarias reflects 諸蕃, the Chinese term for neighboring or remote un-Sinified lands and/or their inhabitants. The Yamato expression "tonari no kuni" means "countries of neighbors" or "neighboring countries".

Aston translates 諸蕃 as "the various frontier nations". While "frontier" might be suitable as a description of Emishi and other lands that were "frontiers" in relationship to Yamato, it is an odd reference to "nations" on the peninsula or continent at the time.

For more about 諸蕃 and related terms, see "Ban" as in barbaria.

throw and change reflects 投化, meaning "throw" oneself on the court, as when surrendering or otherwise submitting oneself to the court's authority, and "change" one's affiliation or allegiance by embracing the court's authority and the customs of the land. The Yamato expression "onodzukara mauku" describes the action of a person of lower status who "approaches and comes [to the court] on one's own accord [as a matter of course]".

For more about 投化 and related terms, see "Kika" and "toka".

Aston translates the phrase "emigrants", which degrades the verb to a noun, but also warps the viewpoint of the action from that of the court to that of the people described as having come to the court in order to submit.

made and enrolled [them] in household registers reflects 編貫戸籍. The Yamato translation is "he no fumita ni tsuku", meaning "attach to [place on] a record board". A "fumita" (札、簡) was literally a strip of bamboo or board (板 ita) on which the script for some sort of written record (文 fumi) was brushed. The word is now pronounced "fuda" as in "nafuda" (名札) or "name tag".

Translation   Kudara [Paekche], hearing that the government of Yamato in Ara and Shiraki [Silla] had been circulating plans, dispatched Forepart Nasochi Birimakuko, [Forepart] Nasochi Senmon, Midpart Nasochi Mokura Maijun, and Ki no Omi Nasochi Mimasa, and others, < As for Ki no Omi Nasochi, perhaps [he] is someone who was given birth by [born to] a Kara [Korean] woman Ki no Omi took for a wife, and consequently remained in Kudara, and became a Nasochi. [Historians] have not yet clarified the [his] father. [The] others all effect [result in, are like, follow] this. > sent them to Ara, and summoned [those who] executed matters [officials, stewards, agents] of Mimana who had arrived in Shiraki [Silla], and had [them] scheme and build [establish] Mimana [Imna]. [The Kudara envoys in Silla] separately took the [incident of] the Kafuchi no Atahi of the government of Yamato in Ara, circulating plans with Shiraki [Silla], and deeply blamed and scolded [rebuked] him.

< Kudara honki [Original records of Paekche] say Kafuchi no Atahi [Kōchi (Kawachi) no Atai], Ake Enashi, Saro Matsu, et cetera. [Historians have] not yet clarified [them]. > . . . [Omitted].

Kanbun   百済聞安羅日本府与新羅通計、遣前部奈率鼻利莫古・奈率宣文・中部奈率木��昧淳・紀臣奈率弥麻沙等、 < 紀臣奈率者、蓋是紀臣娶韓婦所生、因留百済、為奈率者也。未詳其父。他皆効此也。 > 使于安羅、召到新羅任那執事、謨建任那。別以安羅日本府河内直、通計新羅、深責罵之。 < 百済本記云、加不至費直・阿賢移那斯・佐魯麻都等。未詳也。 > . . . [Omitted]。(NKBT 68:73)

Yamato translation   Kudara, Ara no Yamato no Mikotomochi to Shiraki to hakarikoto wo kayohasu wo kikite, Zenhou [Note 3] Nasochi [Note 4] Birimakuko・Nasochi Senmon・Chiuhou [Note 7] Nasochi Mokura Maijun・Ki no Omi Nasochi Mimasara wo tsukahashite, < Ki no Omi Nasochi ha, kedashi koro Ki no Omi no, Kara no womina wo torite umeru tokoro, yorite Kudara ni todomarite, Nasochi to nrereu mono nari. Imada sono kazo wo tsubahiraka ni sezu. Atashi mo mina kore ni narahe. > Ara ni tsukahi shite, Shiraki ni itareru Mimana no Tsukasa wo meshite, Mimana wo tatemu koto wo hakarashimu. Koto ni Ara no Yamato no Mikotomochi no Kafuchi no Atahi no, hakarikoto wo Shiraki ni kayohosu wo mote, fukaku semenoru. < Kudara honki ni ihaku, Kafuchi no Atahi・Ake Enashi・Saro Matsu ra to ifu. Imada tsubahirakanarazu. > . . . [Omitted]. (NKBT 68:72)

Aston's translation   Pèkché, hearing that the (Japanese) authorities of Ara were intriguing with Silla, sent Pirimakko, Nasol of the Senior division, the Nasol Syön-mun, the Nasol of the middle division, Mok-Hiöp Mèsyun, and Ki no Omi, < The Nasol Ki no Omi was probably the son of Ki no Omi by a marriage with a Corean woman, who therefore remained in the country and was made Nasol by Pèkché. It is not clear who his father was. Other cases all follow this rule. > the Nasol Mimasya, on a mission to Ara, to summon to them the agents of Silla and Imna, and to concert measures for the establishment of Imna. He separately reproved Kahachi no Atahe, the chief Japanese authority of Ara, roundly for intriguing with Silla. < The Pèkché "Original Record" has Kapuchipi Atahe Akyöninasăcharomato. This is not clear. > . . . [Omitted]. (Aston 2:44)

Comments

Ara

Ara (安羅) was one of several small countries that formed the federation known as Kaya. At the time of this account, Aya was apparently the center of Kaya, which is closely associated if not equated with Mimana [Imna]. The area is now associated with the district of Haman (咸安), immediately north of the city of Masan, in the Republic of Korea.

Masan, on the coast, is even more closely associated with Mimana, which is thought to have existed roughly between present-day Masan and Pusan, a port town to the east. The coast in this area is directly exposed to the Tsushima. The islands, among the original Yamato territories created by the gods, later a province and now part of Nagasaki prefecture, still serve as a navigation point and refuge for vessels crossing the straits between the nearest ports of Japan and ROK.

The Nihon shoki describes the destruction of Mimana [Imna] by Shiragi [Silla] in 562 (an interlineal annotation says 560 according to another source). With the fall of Mimana, the Kayan countries cease to exist.

After 562, Yamato's presence on the peninsula is effectively limited to its support of Kudara [Paekche] against Shiragi, which is allied with Tang when not defending itself from Chinese forces. The fall of Kudara to Shiragi, and the withdrawal of Yamato forces from the peninsula, is described in 663.

The years 562 and 663 thus punctuate the recorded arrivals in Yamato of numerous people, including many refugees, from the embattled peninsula.

Translation   . . . [This] loyal servant deeply regrets this, [that] Saro Matsu, though of a Kara [Korean] belly, stood in and occupied [held] [the rank of] Ōmuraji. [He] mingles among [with] [those who] execute matters [officials, stewards, agents] of Yamato, and [he] enters [joins, belongs to] the kind [ranks] of the prosperous division [group, class] that is esteemed and flourishes. And now [he] oppositely attaches [wears] a Shiragi [Silla] Namare cap [rank]. So [as to whom] his body and heart are allegiant, to others [the cap] readily illuminates [shows]. [When] thoroughly observing where [he] acts [what he does], [he] has no fear or dread. Therefore [I] previously reported [to you] [his] bad conduct, and recorded [what] had [been] heard. Now still he attaches [wears] the clothes of others [Shiragians], and day [after day] he proceeds to the region of Shiragi [Silla], and publicly and privately goes and returns, and there is no place he shirks.

Kanbun   . . . 臣深懼之、佐魯麻都、雖是韓腹、位居大連。廁日本執事之間、入栄班貴盛之例。而今反著新羅奈麻礼冠。即身心帰附、於他易照。熟観所作、都無怖畏。故前奏悪行、具録聞訖。今猶著他服、日赴新羅域、公私往還、都無所憚。. . . (NKBT 87)

Yamato translation   . . . Yatsukare, fukaku odzuraku ha, Saro Matsu, kore Karakuni no umaretari [Note 8] to iedomo, kurawi Ohomuraji [Note 9] ni wori. Yamato no tsukasa no ahida ni majiharite, sakae tanoshiki tsura ni kuhahareri. Ima kaherite Shiraki no Namare [Note 11] no kauburi wo kitari. Sunahachi kokoro no shitagahitsuku tokoro ha, hito ni arahare yasushi. Tsuratsura suru tokoro wo miru ni, katsute odziosoruru koto nashi. Kare, saki ni ashiki waza wo mausu ni, tsubusa ni shirushite kikoeteki. Ima mo nao hito no kuni no kimono [Note 13] wo kite, hibi ni Shiraki no sakahi ni yuku koto, araha ni shinobi ni kayofu ni, katsute habakaru tokoro nashi. . . . (NKBT 68:86)

Aston's translation   . . . This state of things is viewed by thy servant with profound apprehension. Cha-no-ma-to, although the son of a Corean mother, holds the position of Ohomuraji and takes precedence among the Agents of Japan, entering the ranks of the noble and honourable. And yet he now wears the cap of the Silla official rank of Namanyé, [Note 1] from which it may be readily seen that he is devoted to that country body and soul. When his conduct is maturely observed, there is no sign at all of awe or dread. Therefore I formerly reported to Your Majesty his evil deeds, setting them out fully for your information. Now he still wears a foreign dress and daily goes to the Silla borders, journeying back and forward publicly or privately without any fear whatever. The downfall of the Tök [Note 2] country was owing to no other cause than this. . . . (Aston 2:54-55)

Translation   [The sovereign] dispatched Soga no Ōomi Iname no Sukune and others to Takechi district in Yamato province, [to] establish the Karan [Karahito] Ōmusa (大身狭 Ohomusa) storehouse < Where [it] says Karan [it] is [means] Kudara. > [and] the Koman [Komabito] Omusa (小身狭 Womusa) storehouse. [And to] to Ki province to establish a sea guild storehouse. < One book says: [They] took Karans (Karahito) [from] various places and made [them] Ōmusa storehouse field guilds. [And took] Komans (Komabito) and made [them] Omusa storehouse field guilds. This means [they] took Karans and Komans [and] made [them] field guilds. [And] for [this] reason [they] made [gave] [the places] the name of [court] granaries. >

Kanbun   遣蘇我大臣稲目宿禰等於倭国高市郡、置韓人大身狭屯倉 < 言韓人者百済也。 > 高麗人小身狭屯倉。紀国置海部屯倉。 < 一本云、以処々韓人、為大身狭屯倉田部。高麗人為小身狭屯倉田部。是即以韓人・高麗人為田部。故因為屯倉之号也。 > (NKBT 68:117, 119)

Yamato translation   Soga no Ohoomi Iname no Sukune ra wo Yamato no kuni no Takechi no kohori [Note 27] ni tsukahashite, Karahito no Wohomusa no miyake [Note 28] < Ifu kokoro ha Karahito ha Kudara nari. > Komabito no Womusa no miyake wo okashimu. Kinokuni ni Ama no miyake [Note 29] wo oku. < Aru fumi ni ihaku, tokorodokoro no Karahito wo mote, Ohomusa no miyake no tabe [Note 1] ni su. Komabito wo Womusa no miyake no tabe ni su. Kore ha Karahito・Komabito wo mote tabe ni su. Kare yorite miyake no na to su to ifu. > (NKBT 68:117-118)

Aston's translation   Soga no Oho-omi, Iname no Sukune and others were sent to the district of Takechi in Yamato to establish the Miyake of Ohomusa of Coreans < by Coreans is meant Pèkché people > and the Miyake of Womusa of Koryo men. The Miyake of Ama in the Land of Ki was established in the Land of Ki. < One writing says:--"The Coreans of various places were made serfs of the Miyake of Ohomusa and the Koryö men were made serfs of the Miyake of Womusa. It was in consequence of the appointment of the Coreans and Koryö men as serfs that these places were styled Miyake." [Note 2] > (Aston 2:78-79)

Aston Note 2 "It would appear from this that it was essential to a Miyake to have a number of serfs attached to it. Possibly 韓人 in this passage should be rendered Kara men instead of Coreans.

Comments

guilds

Aston translates the term 田部 (tabe) as "serfs" and renders 海部 as only "Ama". I am following Sansom and others in regarding a 部 (be) as a "guild" -- hence, here, "field guild" and "sea guild".

By "guild" I mean a group of people who have been organized to collectively produce various goods or wares, a portion of which would be given to the court as tribute or tax in kind.

In the above account, as in many similar accounts in the Nihon shoki, it is clear that the organizing force was the court. As the court extended its authority to a locality, it dispatched officials to establish storehouses for collecting tribute or taxes in kind from its inhabitants. First, however, the inhabitants had to be organized in a way that would facilitate not only their work -- whether it be cultivating rice or collecting and drying seaweed -- but also the collection and storage of the portion of the products of their labor that was due the court.

The inhabitants of an existing locality would, of course, already have organized themselves to produce whatever they could. The manner of organization, however, might not serve the purposes of the court, which was to collect tribute. Moreover, the court was in a position to settle or resettle people in areas where they would have to build new fields.

In the above example, it is clear that the people from Kara and Koma are being organized into guilds for the purpose of cultivating fields, old or new, to produce rice that would then be stored for distribution or other use by the court. This suggests that there were quite a few such people in the area, who apparently were of social status that would warrant their treatment as field workers.

Mise Maruyama Kofun

Kashihara city embraces the former province of Yamato and the place where Jinmu is supposed to have established his first court. The site of Fujiwarakyō (藤原京), the capital of Yamato from 694 to 710, is also in the city. For these and other reasons, Kashihara is arguably the heartland of ancient Japan.

Squatting on the boundary of Mise and two other chō in the city is a front-square, back-round, so-called "keyhole" tumulus called Mise Maruyama Kofun (見瀬丸山古墳). The largest such tomb in Nara prefecture and the sixth largest in Japan, it is roughly 318 meters long and 210 meters at its widest in front. The front part is 15 meters high. The found in back is 155 meters in diameter and 21 meters at its summit.

Archaeologists have dated the Mise Maruyama tomb to the 6th century, and not a few scholars believe it to be the mausoleum of none other than Kinmei and his favorite squeeze, Soga no Kitashihime. Officially, however, Kinmei and Kitashihime are buried in the Umeyama Kofun (梅山古墳) in neithboring Asuka village (明日香村). Some scholars, though, contend that the Umeyama tomb, with length of only 140 meters and 72-meter diameter mound, is the resting place of Soga no Iname, Kinmei's highest official and multiple father-in-law.

Asuka village shares a border with Kashihara city and rivals the city as a cauldron of Yamato history. The village is part of Takachi county (高市郡), which now has only one other municipality. Kashihara city was formed in 1956 out of several villages and towns that until then were part of Takachi.

Kitashihime, a daughter of Soga no Iname, was the mother of a dozen of Kinmei's children, including the future Yōmei and Suiko. Kinmei also kept her sister Oane no Kimi busy producing half a dozen kids, including Sushun and the mother of Shōtoku Taishi, whose father was Yōmei.

See Soga Soga family tree: Soga influence from Kinmei to Kanmu for all the incestuous details.

Translation   Shiragi strikes and ruins [overthrows] the Miyake [Yamato territory] of Mimana.

Kanbun   新羅打滅任那官家。 < 一本云。二十一年、任那滅焉。忽言任那。別言加羅国。安羅国。斯二岐国。多羅国。卒麻国。古嗟国。子他国。散半下国。乞飡［冫＋食］国。稔礼国。合十国。 > (NKBT 68:119)

Yamato translation   Shiraki, Mimana no Miyake [Note 21] wo uchihoroboshitsu. < Aru fumi ni iwaku, [hatachi-amari-hito-toshi] ni, Mimana horobu to ifu. Subete ha Mimana to ihi, wakite ha Kara no kuni, Ara no kuni, Tara no kuni, Sochima no kuni, Kosa no kuni, Shita no kuni, Sanhange no kuni, Kochisan no kuni, Nimure no kuni to ifu, ahasete towo no kuni nari. > (NKBT 68:119)

Mimana no Miyake   NKBT Note 21 states that "Mimana no Miyake" is the same as "Mimana" and refers to a long supplementary note to Kan 18-13 (pages 550-552), which glosses the "miyake" as meaning originally a residence, granary, or such facility belonging to the Yamato court, but that it also came to be used to mean a military base. However, as used in several accounts in Kinmei and elsewhere, in reference to Kudara and the various Mimana countries, it referred to the countries themselves. The idea is that, as tributary countries, they were analogous to the court-established facilities in Yamato, which stored rice and other products and wares that were given to the court as tribute or tax in kind.

Aston's translation  

Silla destroyed the Miyake of Imna. < One writing says:--"21st year. Imna was destroyed. The general term Imna includes the provinces called separately kara, Ara, Saiki, Tara, Cholma, Kochhi, Chatha, Sanpanha, Kwison, and Imnyé, in all ten provinces." [Note 2] > (Aston 2:80)

Comments

Tongguk t'onggam

The text enclosed in < angle brackets > is an interlineal note, which alludes to another source, apparently no longer extant. Whatever this source, it was not Tongguk t'onggam, which as Aston points out, says nothing about the involvement of Yamato in the Silla conqeust of the Kaya clans.

Aston Note 2 consists of long citation of an account of Silla's conquest of Great Kaya from the "Tongkam" (Vol. V. p. 21). The year is the same, but where Nihon shoki has "Spring, 1st month" the Tongguk t'onggam (東國通鑑) (1498) has "Autumn, 9th". After the citation he notes "It will be observed that there is not a word here about Japan."

To what degree Yamato exercised control over any territory on the peninsula is a major point of contention between accounts in the early Yamato chronologies and contemporary Korean histories, on which the 1498 Korean chronicle was based. However, the fact that the compilers of the Yamato chronologies included people of partly Korean descent, and spoke so frankly the diplomatic exchanges between Yamato and the various Korean states, and about the wars which had driven their anecstors to Yamato, suggests that Yamato was seriously involved in the affairs of the closest Korean states.

Tongguk t'onggam was probably inspired by the 1084 Chinese history, Zizhi Tongian (資治通鑒 Tzu-chih T'ung-chien), meaning "Mirror passing everywhere through [reflecting everything about] aiding rule" or "Comprehensive mirror for aiding government". Accordingly, its title would imply that it is a "Comprehensive mirror [for aiding in the government] of the Eastern Country". "Mirror" still enjoys wide currency as a metaphor for model or standard, as of conduct and behavior.

Translation   Shiragi [Silla] had dispatched envoys to offer tribute and taxes. When these envoys came to know [learned] that Shiragi had destroyed Imana [Imna], [they] were embarrassed for having shouldered the country's [court's] [Yamato's] benevolence, and did not dare request to leave. Thereupon they remained and did not return to [their] root [original, principal] soil [land, country] [place of origin]. [They came] to parallel and be the same as the hundred surnames [common people] of the house [family] of provinces [countries] [court, state]. They are the progenitors of the Shiragians [Shiraki no hito] in the hamlet of Uno in the county of Sarara in the province of Kawachi now.

When these envoys came to know [learned]   I am following the interpretation -- implicit in context of the kanbun text, explicit in the Yamato translation, and expressed in NKBT Note 3 to the Yamato translation -- that the Shiragi envoys had been sent to Yamato, and might well have already arrived, before the fall of Mimana to Shiragi forces. See comments on "Breaking news and enemy aliens" below.

Kanbun   新羅遣使献調賦。其使人知新羅滅任那、恥背国恩、不敢請罷。遂留不帰本土。例同国家百姓。今河内国更荒郡鸕鷀野邑新羅人之先也。(NKBT 68:123)

Yamato translation   Shiraki, tsukahi wo madashite mitsukimono wo tatematsuru. Sono tsukahi, Shiraki, Mimana wo horoboshitsu to shiritareba, mikado no megumi ni somukeru koto wo hadzite, ahete makaramu to mausazu. Tsuhi ni todomarite moto no kuni ni kaherazu. Ato, mikado no ohomitakara ni onaji. Ima Kafuchi no kuni no Sarara no kohori [Note 4] no Uno no sato no Shiraki no hito no oya nari. (NKBT 68:122)

Sarara no kohori NKBT Note 4 cites several other accounts in which the names Sarara and Uno appear, sometimes differently graphed, but is unable to fix a clear location of Uno. The note ends with a citation of an item in the Shinsen Shōjiroku, about Unu no Muraji, the head of a clan affiliated with the province of Kawachi (河内国) but classified as a clan of uncertain miscellaneous title (未定雑姓), who is said to be "a descendant of Shiragi no seshimu [prince] Kin Teikō (金庭興)" (SS 1161).

Aston's translation   Silla sent envoys to offer tribute. These envoys knew of the destruction of Imna by Silla, but, ashamed of the offence against national gratitude, they did not dare to ask leave to depart. Eventually they remained, and did not return to their own land, but were made to take rank as subjects of the State. They were the ancestors of the Silla men of the village of Uno in the district of Sarara in the province of Kahachi. (Aston 2:83)

Comments

Breaking news and enemy aliens

As I write this in the 21st century, it is difficult to conceive the time it took for "news" to travel in the past, when information travelled no faster than humans could walk, horses could gallop, or ships sail. Some people now take for granted the possibility of real-time witnessing of events -- impersonal, such as Los Angeles car chases watched in Tokyo, or personal, such as a sexual act in a Tokyo bedroom watched in a Seoul living room.

Before satellite-facilitated text messaging or breaking news bulletins on TV or the Internet, submarine cables and the atmosphere carried telephone and telegraph messages and radio transmissions. Such magical means of information transmission and reception were preceded by centuries of gradual improvement in the speed and reliability of transcontinental and transocean travel.

My first appreciation for the shrinking lag in time that news travels came during the 1960s when I was reading books on English social history and naval history.

One story, the source and details of which evade me, compelled me to imagine myself in the position of the wife of an Englishman seeing her husband off on a vessel bound for the Orient. Many months later she receives a letter that is already months old, telling her how much he misses her, but he expects to home in a couple of months. A few months later the vessel returns, without him, and she learns from its captain that her husband and many shipmates had died during the voyage and were buried at sea.

The story about the Silla envoys strikes a similar chord.

Envoys tend to be cut of fairly gentle cloth that suits them for the tasks of diplomacy, which requires a great deal of patience with protocol in the interest of maintaining a semblance of political order while the generals kill each other. Not to mention a tolerance for, if not a liking of, different languages, food, and customs.

Imagine, then, a party of Silla envoys embarking from the peninsula for Dazaifu, the official gateway to Yamato. At Dazifu they would present themselves to representatives of the court and enter into negotiations.

If successful they would be escorted through the Seto sea to Naniwa, then travel overland to the capital around Asuka for a brief audience with the sovereign and entertainment appropriate for the occasion. All the while, they would be making preparations for the arduous journey back to the peninsula.

The delegates would have been highly educated men who, despite the frictions between Yamato and Silla, would have been treated with due respect for their titles and ranks and learning. They would certainly have been seen as good sources of information about the world from which they came.

Suddenly, though, the mood is broken by news that Silla armies have overwhelmed Yamato outposts in Mimana and driven Yamato forces out of the territory. This would constitute a most embarrassing situation for diplomats on both sides.

It is not clear to what extent the Silla envoys were free to return to the peninsula or decided themselves to remain. It was not as though Yamato and Silla exchanges came to a complete halt.

Yamato and Silla occasionally sent each other missions, in the interest of maintaining their long ties, even as Yamato continued to support Kudara in its defense against Silla, later supported by Tang forces. For unknown reasons, however, the Silla delegates stayed and ended up in Kawachi.

Think, now, of Pearl Harbor -- the events of 8/7 December 1941. Then the lags of time were on the order of seconds, minutes, and hours -- between the transmission and reception of information from Japan to its embassy in Washington, and local processing and dissemination.

Most Japanese diplomats, and other officials and civilians in the United States, who were "out of the loop" and otherwise not aware of what was about to happen, were caught short by radio bulletins and banner headlines of the suprise attack on Pearl Harbor.

Japanese diplomats were not without friends among their State Department counterparts and even the general population. Apart from personal feelings, however, they were now enemy aliens. As such they were detained and quartered in federal facilities.

Most likely they would remained in detention for the duration of the war -- except that the Axis and Allied states negotiated, through Sweden and Switzerland, the exchange of many officials and other civilians who had been detained because of the war.

By the summer of 1942, the Gripsholm -- an American liner charted by the State Department but run by a Swedish crew under a Swedish flag -- was making a voyage between New York and Mocambique via Rio de Janeiro with mostly Japanese national passengers. An exchange was made at Lorenco Marques with the Asama Maru, which had picked up a variety of Allied nationals, most of them US citizens, in Japan, Southeast Asia, and the Philippines, and the Conte Verde, an Italian vessel, with people Allied nationals from Shanghai.

Some World War II exchangees included Japanese in the United States, and Americans in Japan, who were settled and would never have "returned" except for the war. Had some of the detainees on either side, including government officials, been free to remain where they were living when the war began, some might have opted to stay.

Presumably the Silla envoys left families and friends on the peninsula. Were they able to send letters back home? How much time elapsed before their fate became known? Or did their relatives simply wait, and wait, and wait -- and, in the absence of any word of their whereabouts, conclude that they had met their end somewhere?

Think, then, of the families of the young people abducted by agents of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, who waited without news for years. The family of Soga Hiromi concluded that she and her mother were dead and had their register status changed to deceased.

The change of status had to be reversed when news came that the daughter, at least, was alive -- and the wife of an American and mother of two children of nominally DPRK nationality. Other families refuse to accept reports from DPRK that their offspring are dead.

The experiences of the Silla envoys in 562 are very much apart of the continuing drama of personal and family problems that arise when diplomacy fails and friends become enemies.

Translation  

Taken captive at the same time, Tsuki no Kishi Ikina, was a man of courage and ferocity, and to the end he would not fall and yield. The army general of Shiragi [Silla], drew his sword and wanted to slash [kill] [Ikina]. [He] forced [Ikina] to remove his [short] britches. and then ordered [him] to take his buttocks and point [them] toward Yamato, and largely cry and shout < "shout" is "scream". > Say, "Generals of Yamato, eat my ass!" But [Ikina] cried and shouted and said, "King of Shiragi, eat my ass!" Although he received harsh force, still he shouted as [he had] before. Because of this he was killed. His son Wochiko, also embraced his father and so died. Ikina, [his] words and [their] purport being hard to usurp, everyone [was] like this. Because of this, [he] especially became where [someplace, someone] all generals [of Yamato] painfully lamented [he especially was grieved by all the generals]. His wife Ōbako, also along [with him] had been captured. [Someone] shuddered [in grief] and so sang and said,

Translation   People of Koma Dzumuriyahe and other threw [themselves before the court] and changed [their allegiance] at Tsukushi, and [authorities] placed them in Yamashiro province. [They] are the forebears of the present Unehara, Nara, and Yamamura Koma people.

Kanbun   高麗人頭霧唎耶陛等投化於筑紫、置山背国。今畝原・奈羅・山村高麗人之先祖也。(NKBT 68:127)

Yamato translation   Koma no hito Dzumuriyahe ra, Tsukushi ni maukite, Yamashiro no kuni ni haberi. Ima no Unehara・Nara [Note 22]・Yamamura no Koma no hito no tohotsuoya nari. (NKBT 68:126)

Nara   NKBT Note 22 sites a source which says there was a Nara village (那羅郷) in Yamashiro province. The note then says this village is now Kaminara and Shimonara of the town of Yahata in Tsudzuki county in present-day Kyoto prefecture. However, in 1977 the town of Yahata left the fold of the county and became a city. Notes 21 and 23 state that the locations of Unehara and Yamamura are not certain.

Aston's translation   Some Koryö men, Tsu-mu-ri-ya-phyé and others, emigrated to Tsukushi. They were settled in the province of Yamashiro, and were the ancestors of the present Koryö men of Une-hara, Nara, and Yamamura. (Aston 2:87)

Comments

Tsukushi and Yamashiro

Tsukushi (筑紫) is the old name of what today is called Kyūshū (九州). Here it probably referred to the province of Tsukushi (筑紫国 (Tsukushi no kuni), which around the end of the 7th century divided into Chikuzen (筑前) on the coast facing Korea, and Chikugo (筑後) inland. These two provinces, with the part of Buzen (豊前) that bordered with Chikuzen at the Moji straits, became present-day Fukuoka prefecture.

The Koma people most likely arrived on the coast of Chikuzen, possibly in the vicinity of the port of Hakata in present-day Fukuoka city, which faces the south coast of the Republic of Korea. Thousands of people, everyday today, ferry between Fukuoka and Pusan in as few as three hours.

The crossings in the past would not have been nearly as fast or comfortable, much less safe. But people motivated to sail between the two areas could have done so in a couple of days under favorable conditions.

Yamashiro, here 山背, later 山城, was one of the five "inner provinces" of Yamato. In 794 it became the site of the Heian capital, around which grew a city that was later called Kyōto.

What the above account shows -- which seems to have been typical of the times -- is that non-Yamato people arriving at a Yamato province from, in this case, the peninsula -- if not visitors who would in time leave, and if not unwelcome migrants -- would have been been settled somewhere after submitting to the authority of the court.

In this case, some people arrived from Koma, most likely as refugees. After their submission and acceptance, they were taken to three settlements in Yamashiro. One of them, Nara, was in the vicinity of present-day Yawata, which shares borders with Fushimi-ku in metropolitan Kyoto.

Translation   [The sovereign] commanded and said, "Measuring and establishing fields and and [their] guilds, this has come to be esteemed [upheld]. Those who, [though] when the year begins are [age] ten or over, have escaped registration and avoided levies have been many. It would be good to dispatch Itsu < Itsu is a nephew of Ō Jinni. < to examine and determine the field guilds and worker registers of Shirawi.

Kanbun   詔曰、量置田部、其来尚矣。年甫十余、脱籍兔課者衆。宜遣胆津、 < 胆津者、王辰爾之甥也 > 。 検定白猪田部丁籍。(NKBT 68:127)

Yamato translation   Mikotonori shite notamahaku, "Tabe [Note 26] wo hakarioku koto, sono arikuru koto hisashi. Toshi hajimete towo-amari [Note 27], nanofumita ni morite etsuki ni nogaruru hito ohoshi. Itsu < Itsu [Note 28] ha Wau Jinni [Note 29] ga ohi nari. > wo tsukahashite, Shirawi no tabe no yohoro no fumita [Note 30] wo kamugahe sadameshimubeshi" to no tamafu. (NKBT 68:127)

Aston's translation   An edict was issued as follows:--"The institution of serfs [Note 1] is a custom of old standing. But for more than ten years past, there have been many whose names have been omitted from the lists, and who have avoided their tasks. Let Itsu < Itsu was nephew of Ō Chin-ni [Note 2] > be sent to revise the lists of the serfs of Shirawi." (Aston 2:87)

Comments

Registers

We see here precisely the use to which registers have subsequently been put throughout Japanese history. The preface to the Family Registration Law of 1872 clearly presents the logic for nationalizing household registration. The same logic prevailed in the later nationalization of Taiwan, Karafuto, and Korea as Chosen, and prevails today in the computerization of family registration.

Translation   Itsu examined and inspected the field guilds [and] workers of Shirai, and in accordance with [the sovereign's] command [he] established registers. As a result [their families] became field households. The sovereign delighted in the achievement of Itsu establishing registers, and conferred on him a title and made him Shirai no Fubito. Moreover [he] appointed [him] Ta-tsu-kahi, and made [him] the assistant of the Mitsuko. < [As for] Mitsuko see above. >

Kanbun   胆津検閲白猪田部丁者、依詔定籍。果成田戸。天皇嘉胆津定籍之功、賜姓為白猪史。尋拝田令、為瑞子之副。 < 瑞子見上。 > (NKBT 68:127, 129)

Yamato translation   Itsu, Shirawi no tahe no yohoro wo kamugahemite, mikotonori no mama ni fumita wo sadamu. Hatashite tahe wo nasu. Sumera mikoto, Itsu ga fumita wo sadameshi isawo wo yomishite, kabane wo tamahite Shirawi no Fubito to su. Sunahachi Tatsukahi [Note 33] ni maketamahite, Mitsuko [Note 1] ga suke to shitamafu. < Mitsuko ha kami ni mietari. > (NKBT 68:127-128)

Aston's translation   Itsu revised the serfs of Shirawi, and in accordance with the edict, settled the lists, so that land-families [Note 3] were formed. The Emperor, by way of compliment to Itsu on his success in settling the lists, gave him the title of Shirawi no Obito, and moreover appointed him Tadzukahi under Midzuko < Midzuko is mentioned above > . [Note 4] (Aston 2:87)

Comments

Itsu as registrar

In the above two related entires about the appointment of Itsu first as a registrar, then as an assistant director of a court granary, we see a good example of how some of the more literate and skilled descendants of people who had migrated to Yamato, in this case from Kudara (Paekche), were integrated into the caste of titled clans that served the court.

Translation   10th day of 5th month [of 3rd year of Suiko]. The Koma monk Eji submitted and changed. At once the imperial-first-son [crown prince] made him a [his] tutor. This year, Kudara monk Esō [also] came. These two monks, spread the teachings of Buddha, and together they constituted the roof [over] [heads, leaders] of the three treasures.

Kanbun   五月戊午朔丁卯、高麗僧慧慈歸化。則皇太子師之。◎是歲、百濟僧慧聰來之。此兩僧、弘演佛教、並爲三寶之棟梁。(NKBT 68:175)

Yamato translation   Satsuki no tsuchi-no-euma no tsuitachi-hinoto-no-unohi ni, Koma no houshi Weji mauomobuku. Sunahachi koutaishi, norinoshi to shitamafu. Kotoshi, Kudara no hofushi Wesou maukeri. Kono futari no houshi, Hotoke no minori wo hiromete [Note 16], narabi ni ni sanpou no mune-utsuhari [Note 17] to naru. (NKBT 68:174)

Note 16 explains that 弘 in 弘演 (kōen) means "to flex (bend) a bow full elbow", while 演 is the same "pull" or "stretch". In other words, "to flow long". Hence "broaden (spread) the teachings" of Buddha.

Note 17 states that 棟 (mune) refers to the horizontal boards that form the frame that receives the roof [i.e., the ridge and rafters of a roof], while 梁 (hari) refer to the large beams of a house. So together they mean the [entire] frame [of the house]. The received Yamato translation expresses 棟梁 (tōryō, munehari) as "mune-utsuhari" (むねうつはり). The term "utsuhari" (utsubari) refers to the large horizontal cross beams that sit on the posts and pillars of a structure, and as such they accept the frame of the roof.

mauomobuku   This term reflects two components -- (1) "mau" meaning in one sense to "dance" or "float" (mau 舞う) and in another to "come" deferentially (mairiku 参り来 < mawiriku マヰリク), and (2) "omobuku" (赴く omomuku), meaning to "follow" or "obey" or "submit to". This has become the most common way of glossing the Sinific compound 帰化 in the language that I am here calling "Yamato" in reference to contemporary "Japanese".

maukeri   This reflects the final form of the verb "mauku" (まうく 舞来 < マヰク mawiku > mouku もうく). The attributive form is "maikeru" (see 540 Hata and Aya titles for an example). This, too, deferentially describes the "coming" or "visiting" of someone of lower status.

sanpou   "Sanpō" (三寶 > 三宝) refers to the "three treasures" of Buddhism -- "Buppōsō" (仏法僧), meaning "Buddha" (Butsu 仏 Hotoke) in the sense of his spirit and example, Dharma (Hō 法) in the sense of the precepts of Buddha's teachings, and Sangha (Sō 僧) in the sense of the community of monks who practice and disseminate Buddha's teachings.

Aston's translation   5th month, 10th day. A priest of Koryö, named Hyé-chă, emigrated to Japan, and was taken as teacher by the Prince Imperial. In the same year a Pèkché priest, named Hyé-chhong, arrived. These two priests preached the Buddhist religion widely, and were together the mainstay of the Three Precious Things. (Aston 2:123)

Aston romanized the Sino-Korean proper nouns in the system that was popular at the time of his translation. "Koryö" (Koryŏ 백제) is "Kōrai" (高麗) in Sino-Japanese but "Koma" in Yamato Japanese. "Pèkché" (Paekche 백제) would be "Hyakusai" (百濟) in SJ (though it is rarely read this way) but "Kudara" in YJ. Eji (慧慈) (d623) and Esō (慧聡) (dates unknown) are the Sino-Japanese names of the men Aston calls Hyé-chă (Hyeja 혜자) and Hyé-chhong (Hyechong" 혜총) in SK.

emigrated to Japan   Aston describes of Eji's movements from a vantage point outside Japan. This is odd, since the narrative viewpoint is within Japan.

Translation   This year [20th year of Suiko], there was a person who changed [allegiance] and came from Kudara country. His face and body [were] all patched white. [People wondered] if he had leprosy. [People] lisliked this unusualness of the man, and wanted to cast (abandon) him to an island in the sea. Uponwhich the man said, "If you dislike my piebald skin, white mottled cattle and horses, you should not breed in [this] country. Moreover I have a small tallent. I can make forms [landscapes] of mountains and peaks [in gardens]. Let me stay and use me, and for the country there will be benefits. Why void this and cast (abandon) [me] [to] a sea island?" Thereupon, [the people] listed to him and hence did not cast [him away]. Accordingly [authorities] ordered [him] to make a form of Suminoyama and a Wu bridge in the southern garden. Contemporary people styled this person, saying (calling him) Michiko no Takumi. Another name was Shiki Maro.

Kanbun   是歲、自百濟國有化來者。其面身皆斑白。若有白癩者乎。惡其異於人、欲棄海中嶋。然其人曰、若惡臣之斑皮者、白斑牛馬、不可畜於國中。亦臣有小才。能構山岳之形。其留臣而用、則爲國有利。何空之棄海嶋耶。於是、聽其辭以不棄。仍令構須彌山形及吳橋於南庭。時人號其人、曰路子工。亦名芝耆摩呂。(NKBT 68:197, 199)

Yamato translation   Kotoshi, Kudara kuni onodzukara ni [Note 32] maukuru mono ari. Sono omote mukuro, mina madara nari. Moshiku ha shirahata [Note 33] aru mono ka. Sono hito ni kenaru koto wo nikumite, watanaka no shima ni sutemu to su. Shikaru ni sono hito no ihaku, "Moshi Yatsukare no madarahada wo nikumitamawaba, shiromadara naru ushiuma wo ba, kuni no naka ni kafu bekarazu. Mata Yatsukare, isasaka-naru kado ari, yoku yama-woka no katachi wo tsuku. Sore Yatsukare wo todomete mochiwitamahaba, kuni no tame ni kuhosa arinamu. Nani zo munashiku umi no shima ni futsuru (sutsuru) ya." to ifu. Koko ni, sono kotoba wo kikite futezu (sutezu). Yorite Suminoyama [Note 3] no katachi oyobi Kurehashi [Note 4] wo Ohoba [Note 5] ni tsuke to ohosu. Toki no hito, sono hito wo nadzukete, Michiko no Takumi to ifu. Mata no na ha Shiki Maro. (NKBT 68:197-198)

Note 32, explaining the reading of onodzukarani for 化, states that here 化 means "to follow (abide with, adhere to) edification (enlightenment)" (kyōka ni shitagau 教化に従う). [WW -- This alludes to an embrace of specific moral teachings by someone who then either converts to the religion that nurtures them, or changes one's allegiance to the country where they are practiced.] The Reading it "onodzukara ni" in kun (訓 Yamato, Japanese) considers this [meaning], the annotator adds, then concludes -- "It means a person who came to the [realm of the Yamato] court because he years for our country. Or should it here perhaps be read in kun 'omomuke ni maukeru mono'" (わが国のよさを慕って来朝する者の意。ここあるいはオモムケニマウケルモノと訓むべきか。). [WW -- "omomuke ni maukeru mono" would mean "person who came to follow (obey, submit to)".]

Note 33, referring to shirahata rather than "byakurai" as the reading of 白癩, cites the entry for 白癜 (hakuden, shironamazu) in Wamyōshō (和名抄), referring to Wamyō ruiju shō (倭名類聚抄), an early 10th century dictionary of names for things. The description is consistent with what today would be called "vitiligo" or "leucoderma" (leukoderma), a "piebald skin" condition that manifests as white patches due to lack of pigmentation (piebaldism). The patching can be topical, in which case it is limited to specific parts of the body like the hands or face, or it can appear randomly and extensively all over the body. The note also cites Hōkakyō (法華経), more fully known as Myōhō Renge Kyō (妙法蓮華経), or Lotus Sutra, which which refers to "byakuraibyō" (白癩病) or "white leprosy". Leucoderma, which may be genetic or may be associated with other illnesses or conditions, is sometimes confused for white leprosy, the milder form of the contagious disease that, in many societies, has been cause for ostracization and isolation.

Note 3 glosses 須彌山, read Suminoyama in the Yamato translation, as the mountain that constitutes the center of the world in Buddhist doctrine. [WW -- Kōjien gives its Sino-Chinese-Sanskrit reading as "Shumisen" (more commonly than "Sumisen"), which represents its Sanskrit name "Suneru".]

Notes 4 and 5 identify the "Wu bridge" (Kurebashi 呉橋) as a stone bridge in the [large] garden (ohoba < ooba < ōba 大庭) inside the south gate of the palace.

Aston's translation   This year a man emigrated from Pèché whose face and body were all flecked with white, being perhaps affected with white ringworm. People disliking his extraordinary appearance, wished to cast him away on an island in the sea. But this man said: -- "If you dislike my spotted skin you should not breed horses or kine in this country which are spotted with white. Moreover, I have a small talent. I can make the figures of hills and mountains. If you kept me and made use of me, it would be to the advantage of the country. Why should you waste me by casting me away on an island of the sea?" Hereupon they gave ear to his words and did not cast him away. Accordingly he was made to draw the figures of Mount Sumi [Note 1] and of the Bridge of Wu in the Southern Court. The people of that time called him by the name of Michiko no Takumi, and he was also called Shikomaro. [Note 2] (Aston 2:144)

Translation   And the Kudaran Mimashi submitted, and said, "[I] have studied in Wu, and am able to do gigaku (Kuregaku) dances. Accordingly [he] was settled in Sakurai, and [he] gathered [some] young-in-years [students], and ordered them to learn gigaku dance. And so, Mano no Obito Deshi and Imaki no Ayahito Saimon, two men learned and transmitted the dances. Now Oochi no Obito and Sakita no Obito and others are the parents (possessors, teachers, transmitters, teachers).

Kanbun   又百濟人味摩之歸化、曰、學于吳、得伎樂儛。則安置櫻井、而集少年、令習伎樂儛。於是、眞野首弟子・新漢濟文、二人習之傅其儛。此今大市首・辟田首等祖也。(NKBT 68:199)

Yamato translation  Mata Kudarabito Mimashi, maukiomomukeri. Ihaku, "Kure ni manabite, Kuregaku no mahi o etari" to ifu. Sunawachi Sakurawi ni hoberashimete, warawabe wo tsudohete, Kuregaku nomahi wo narahashimu. Kore ni, Mano no Obito Deshi·Imaki no Ayahito Saimon, futari no hito, narahite sono mahi wo tsutafu. Kore ima, Ohochi no Obito·Sakita no Obito ra ga oya nari. (NKBT 68:198)

maukiomomukeri  Final form of "maukiomomuku", a compound constructed from "mauki" plus "omomuku". "Mauki" is the conjunctive or "stem" form of "mauku" (参来) < "mairiku" (参り来) &#gt; "mairikuru" (参り来る), a deferential form of "to come". "Omomuku" (omobuku) means to go somewhere or visit someone, usually to paying one's respects, and thus it may imply -- as it does here -- an intent to follow or submit to someone's authority.

Kuregaku  is the provided "kun" (Yamato, Japanese) reading for 伎樂, which is read "gigaku" in present-day Sino-Japanese. Performers wore masks of different human and animal characters and mimed their actions with dance accompanied by music. Mimashi (味摩之), about whom nothing else is known, is credited as the Kudaran who introduced such performances to Japan. He reportedly learned them in Wu. Note 8 states that they oiginated in India and Tibet, and were introduced to China's Southern Court. Greece and Indonesia have also been candidates for their origin.

"gigakubu" and "kabuki"  The graphs 伎楽儛 are also read "Kure no utamai" meaning "songs-and-dances of Wu" but this is an interpretation, not a translation. The terms 伎楽儛 (gigakubu) and 歌舞伎 (kabuki) are structurally comparable in the sense that both represent a "performance" (伎) of "music, song" (楽、歌) with "dance (儛, 舞).

Aston's translation   Another man of Pèkché named Mimachi emigrated to Japan. He said that he had learned from Wu their style of music and dancing. He was accordingly lodged at Sakurawi, and young people collected who were made to learn from him these arts. Hereupon Deshi, [Note 3] Manu no Obito, and Seibun, Imaki no Ayabito, learned dancing from him, and handed it down (to their pupils). (Aston 2:144)

Aston's Note 3 states "Deshi mean's pupil."

Translation   This year, many Sillans changed [their allegiance] and came.

Kanbun   是歲、新羅人多化來。(NKBT 68:193)

Yamato translation   Kotoshi, Shiraki hito ohoku mauomomukeri. (NKBT 68:174)

mauomomukeri  Final form of "mauomomuku" (舞赴く). See note on mauomobuku in 595 Koma monk Eji submits (above) for particulars.

Aston's translation   In this year many persons from Silla came to settle in Japan. (Aston 2:139)

Translation   On the 15th [sic], the Koma monk Eji returned to [his] country.

Kanbun   癸卯、高麗僧慧慈歸于國。(NKBT 68:201)

Yamato translation   Midzu-no-to no u no hi, Koma no hofushi Wiji, kuni ni kaherimakarinu. (NKBT 68:200)

kaherimakarinu  Final past (perfect) of "kaerimakaru", consisting of (1) connective stem "kaeri" of "kaeru" (帰る) meaning to return to one's place of belonging, such as one's home, office, or country, plus (2) connective stem "makari" of "makaru" (罷る) meaning to take leave from somewhere, plus (3) final past (perfect) marker "nu" (ぬ). This Yamato "translation" of 帰 thus includes the action of "leaving Yamato" along with the action of "returning" to Kudara.

Aston's translation   11th [sic] day. The Koryö Buddhist priest Hyé-chă returns to his country. (Aston 2:146)

Translation  

Kanbun   三月、掖玖人三口歸化。夏五月、夜勾人七口來之。秋七月、亦掖玖人廿口來之。先後幷卅人、皆安置於朴井、未及還皆死焉。(NKBT 68:201)

Yamato translation (NKBT 68:200)

    Yayoi ni, Yakubito [Note 9] mitari, mauomobukeri.
    Natsu satsuki ni Yakubito [Note 10] nanatari, mauomobukeri.
    Aki fumidzuki ni, mata Yakubito hatatari mauomobukeri. Sakiato, ahasete misotari. Mina Enowi [Note 11] ni haberashimu. Imada makarikaheru oyobazu shite mina miusenu.

mauomobukeri  The same term is used to translate both 帰化 (1st instance) and 来之 (2nd and 3rd instances). Elsewhere "bu" may be "mu" (see example of "mauomomukeri" in 609 Many Sillans change and come (above), which and link therein to the meanings of these expressions.

Note 9·10 states "People of present-day Yakushima (屋久島) (Kagoshima-ken, Kumage-gun)."

Note 11 concludes that the location of Enowi (朴井) -- a name associated with the Enoibe during the Asakusa period -- may have been in present-day Nara city (Nara prefecture) or Kishiwada city (Ōsaka prefecture). "Enoi" is also found as an clan name (uji 氏) the Shinsen shōji roku (新撰姓氏録), an early 9th century peerage.

Yakushima  The 1st and 3rd instances of "Yakushima" are written 掖玖 while the 2nd instance is written 夜勾. both in constrast with 屋久 today. Yakushima was not then part of the Yamato realm but one of the numerous islands to the south and west of Kyūshū called the "South islands" (Nantō 南島). Their inhabitants "South islanders" (Nantojin 南島人). How and why the 30 Yaku islanders came is not clear. Japan's early historical chronologies have a number of reports of South islanders arriving in Japan, sometimes blown to a shore in Japan by a storm. The South islands generally corresponded to what are now called the "Southwest islands" (Nansei shotō 南西諸島), which include all the islands from the the Ōshima islands (大隅諸島) that center on Yakushima in present-day Kagoshima prefecture, to the Yaeyama islands (八重山諸島) at the bottom of the chain of islands that constitute Okinawa prefecture. All these islands, which form an arc between Kyushu and Taiwan, are also commonly called the Ryūkyū islands. By the Tokugawa period, they had come under the suzerainty of a couple of domains in southern Kyūshū. When the domains were prefecturized in the Meiji period, Japan also claimed the Ryukyus, the most northern islands of which became part of Kagoshima prefecture, while the rest became Okinawa prefecture.

Aston's translation (Aston 2:146)

    3rd month. Three men from the Island of Yaku [Note 2] home hither as emigrants.
    Summer, 5th month. Seven persons from Yaku arrived.
    Autumn, 7th month. Twenty more persons arrived from Yaku. There were first and last in all thirty persons. They were all settled in Enowi. They never went away again, but all died there.

Aston's Note 2 states "Off the south coast of Satsuma."

Translation  

Kanbun   (NKBT 68:175)

Yamato translation   (NKBT 68:174)

mauomobuku  

Aston's translation   (Aston 2:123)

Translation   The king of Kudara Giji [Uija] entered [sent] king-son [prince] Hōshōd [to Yamato] and made [him] a pawn [hostage]

Kanbun   百済王義慈入王子豊章為質。(NKBT 68:229)

Yamato translation   Kudara no Kokishi Giji, seshimu Houshau wo tatematsurite mukahari to su [Note 23]. (NKBT 68:228)

mukahari to su   NKBT Note 23 glosses "mukahari to su" as meaning 入質 (nyūshitsu) or "placing in hock" as collateral. It then observes that "mu" means 身 (mi) or "body" while "kawari" means 替り (kawari) or "substitution". In present-day Japanese, "shichiire" (質入れ) means "putting (something) in hock" or "pawning (something)" while "hitojichi" (人質) means "human pawn" or "hostage".

Aston's translation   Wi-chă [Note 9], King of Pèkché, sent Prince Phung-chyang as hostage. (Aston 2:165)

Wi-chă   Aston Note 9 says "Wi-chă, according to the "Tongkam," came to the throne in A.D. 641. So there is something wrong here."

Translation   Kudara prince Yohō [Puyo Hōshō], with four nests of honeybees, released [left] [them] [in order to] nurture [raise] [them] in the Miwa mountains. However in the end [they] did not thrive and live [survive, multipy].

Kanbun   百済太子余豊、以密蜂房四枚、放養於三輪山。而終不蕃息。(NKBT 68:253)

Yamato translation   Kudara no Konkishi Yohou [Note 17], michihachi [Note 18] no su yotsu wo mote, Miwayama [Note 19] ni hanachikafu. Shikaushite tsuhi ni umaharazu. (NKBT 68:253)

Aston's translation   This year the Heir Apparent to the throne of Pèkché Yö Phung-chyang, set loose and kept four hives of honey bees on Mount Miwa; but they did not multiply their kind. (Aston 2:184)

Comments

Colony collapse disorder

Perhaps Puyo Hōshō's beekeeping efforts were thwarted by a syndrome that entomologists who study epidmics among bees now called "colony collapse disorder" (CCD).

Translation   [The sovereign] then commanded [his] the governors of the provinces and said, "Following where [what = the moral authority] the gods of heaven have given [me] and [I] have received, [I] hereby now begin to truly develop [construct, overhaul] the myriad provinces. Always: [ Household registers, fields, and benefits ] [As for] the public affiliates [people] who the house [family] of provinces [court, state] posseses, and the masses of people who [clans and houses] large and small lead [claim], [when] you go to your posts, [for] all [the people] make a household register, and investigate field areas [measure cultivated land in mu]. [As for] the benefits of those, the gardens and ponds and the water and land, give [the benefits] to the hundred surnames [common people] together [in common]. . . . [Omitted] . . . [ Status of children ] As for the law of men and women, [when] where a good [free] man and a good [free] woman are together there is born a child [a child born to a good man and a good woman together], allocate [the child] to [place the child with] its father. Should where a good man has married [taken as his wife] a slave woman [unfree woman] there be born a child [should a child be born to a slave woman a good man has married], allocate [the child] to its mother. Should where a good woman has married [become the wife of] a slave man [unfree man] there be born a child, allocate [the child] to its father. Should where both houses [families] be slaves [a slave man and a slave woman] there be born a child, allocate [the child] to the [house of the] mother. If [the child is] the child of a temple worker, comply with [treat the same as in] the law for good people. As for others who enter [join, become] slaves [slave men and slave women], comply with the law for slave men and slave women. Now sufficiently show people [these measures] as the beginning of control [restriction, regulation, systemization]."

Kanbun   仍詔国司等曰、随天神之所奉寄、方今始将修万国。凡 [ Household registers, fields, and benefits ] 国家所有公民、大小所領人衆、汝等之任、皆作戸籍、及校田畝。其薗池水陸之利、与百姓倶。. . . [Omitted] . . . [ Status of children ]又男女之法者、良男良女共所生子、配其父。若良男、娶婢所生子、配其母。若良女、嫁奴所生子、配其父。若両家奴婢所生子、配其母。若寺家仕丁之子者、如良人法。若別入奴婢者、如奴婢法。今克見人為制之始。 (NKBT 68:273, 275, 277)

Yamato translation   Yorite kuni no mikotomochi tachi ni mikotonori shite notamahaku, "Amatsukami no ukeyosaseta mahishi mama ni, masa ni ima hajimete kuniguni wo wosamemu to su. Ohoyoso [ Household registration, fields, and benefits ] ame no shita no tamoteru ohomitakara [Note 24], ohoki ni isasakeki ni adzukareru hitodomo wo, imashitachi makedokoro ni makarite, mina he no fumita [Note 26] wo tsukuri, mata tahatake wo kamugaheyo. Kare sono ike midzu kunuga no kuhosa ha, ohomitakara to tomo ni seyo. . . . [Omitted] . . . [ Status of children ] Ohomitakara wonoko・ohomitakara menoko [Note 35] tomo ni umeramu tokoro no ko ha, sono kazo ni tsukeyo [Note 36]. Moshi ohomitakara wonoko, menoko yatsuko wo makite umeramu tokoro no ko ha, sono iroha ni tsukeyo. Moshi ohomitakara menoko, wonoko yatsuko ni totsugite umeramu tokoro no ko ha, sono kazo ni tsukeyo. Moshi futatsu no ihe no wonoko yatsuko・menoko yatsuko no umeramu tokoro no ko ha, sono iroha ni tsukeyo. Moshi tera no tsukahe no yohoro [Note 1] no ko naraba, ohomitakara no nori [Note 2] no gotoku seyo. Moshi koto ni yatsuko ni ireraba, yatsuko no nori no gotoku seyo. Ima yoku hito ni nori no hajimetaru koto wo shimesamu." (NKBT 68:273, 275-276)

Aston's translation   Then the Governors were addressed as follows:--"In accordance with the charge entrusted to Us by the Gods of Heave, We propose at this present for the first time to regulate the myriad provinces. [ Household registration, fields, and benefits ] When you proceed to your posts, prepare registers of all the free subjects of the State and of the people under the control of others, whether great or small. Take account also of the acreage of cultivated land. As to the profits arising from the gardens and ponds, the water and land, deal with them in common with the people. . . . [Omitted] . . . [ Status of children ] Moreover the law of men and women shall be that the children born of a free man and a free woman shall belong to the father : if a free man takes to wife a slave woman, her children shall belong to the mother : if a free woman marries a slave man, the children of the marriage shall belong to the father ; if they are slaves of two houses, the children shall belong to the mother. The children of temple serfs shall follow the rule for freemen. But in regard to others who become slaves, they shall be treated according to the rule for slaves. Do ye now publish this well to the people as a beginning of regulations." (Aston 2:200, 202)

Reischauer's summary   Laws were drawn up concerning slaves (nuhi). [In cases of mixed marriages between free people and slaves, all the children were to belong to the slave parent and were to be treated as slaves.] (Reischauer 1967A:146)

Commentary

Good and base

The graph 良 generally means "good" and is used in numerous compounds with this meaning. The term 良民 (ryōmin) referred to a "good affiliate / subject" of country. As such it came to be used, as in the ritsuryō codes, to label an ordinary subject who was not exceptionalized as a 賤民 (senmin) or "base / mean affiliate / subject", meaning a servant or slave, or person of otherwise sub-class or sub-caste status.

Another term for "good people" generally was 良人 (ryōjin, ryōjin, rōnin), which was pressed into the service of meaning "a man who had a wife" as well as simply "husband". As such it was also read "otto", the most common of several Yamato readings of 夫 (fu), which as a graph could mean anything from husband to simply adult man, worker, or coolie.

Free people and slaves

The 良賤 (ryōsen) or "good /base" differentiaion is often interpreted as meaning "free / un-free" -- hence the practice by Sansom and many others to equate "good" with "free". While "free" is clearly inadequate in a structural translation, which is supposed to represent the metphors of the Japanese text, "free" is arguably not an impossible interpretation in the present context -- so long as it is understood to mean "relatively free" -- and nothing like "free" in the sense that many people in Japan might feel "free" today.

So-called "good subjects" were presumably those who were virtuous enough to be able to conduct themselves without need of strict government. Whereas so-called "base subjects" were those who required more than the usual degree of supervision, such as indentured and other servants, and slaves.

Servants were treated more like good people for purposes of land allocation (partition) and taxes. Slaves counted only one-third a good person for purposes of land allocation, were not taxed, could be sold or otherwise treated as property, and often were not allowed to have families.

However, any close examination of social history in Japan at the time such class and caste distinctions were made will show that society was far more complex the law. "Freedom" was not something than even most "good" people had, and not a few "base" people were as free if not freer than most "good" people.

Intermarriage

Marriage between so-called "good people" and "slaves" was not prohibited in the Taika reforms. However, laws determining the status of children in effect implied proscription. And at least one article in the Yōryō code, as related in Ryō no gige, implied that the five colors of base people were expected to marry their own kind.

The affiliation was patrilineal for children born between two good parents or between a good woman and a slave man, and were matrilineal for children born between a good man and slave woman or between two slaves. In other words, all children became slaves unless both parents were good.

Had marriages been equally divided between the four possible mixtures of status of parents, then three out of four children would have become slaves. More striking, though, is that while the children of slave women would always belong to their mothers regardless of their father's status, the children of good women never belonged to their mothers.

The status standards prescribed in the 645 notice imply a one-drop rule, according to which the "good" world remains pure while the "slave" world absorbs all hybrids. See Affiliation thresholds: The evolution of rules for belonging in Japan for a look at how the 645 "Law of men and women" compares with earlier rules for determining the affiliation of children of "mixed marriages" and later nationality laws.

Translation   For the first time make household registers, enumeration ledgers, and a law [standard] for dividing fields [for cultivation] [according to the registers] and settling collections [of taxes] [according to the ledgers].

Kanbun   初造戸籍・計帳・班田収授之法。(NKBT 68:281)

Yamato translation   Hajimete he no fumita [Note 37]・kazu no fumita [Note 38]・akachida wosamesadzukuru nori [Note 39] wo tsukure. (NKBT 68:281)

Aston's translation   Let there now be provided for the first time registers of population, books of account and a system of the receipt and re-granting of distribution-land. [Note 1] (Aston 2:207-208)

Comments

Early registration practices

The translation reflects NKBT Notes 37 and 38, which cites provisions in the "Make-household-register article" (造戸籍条) of the "Household ordinance" (戸令) of contemporary codes. See Making and managing household registers for a translation of this article and comments.

NKBT Note 39 cites provisions in both the "Per-capita division article" (口分条) and the "[Every] six years, one partitioning article" (六年一班条) of the "Fields law" (田令) of contemporary codes. See Division of fields by mouth, sex, and age for a translation of these articles and comments.

Aston Note 1 cites essentially the same provisions cited by NKBT Note 39 like this.

The Denryō (Land Regluations) says, "In granting Kō-bun-den (land shared in proportion to population) men shall have two tan, women a third less, and children under five years of age none. Lands are granted for a term of six years." This seems to point to a general redistribution of lands once in six years, something after the manner still practised in Russia.

See Division of fields by mouth, sex, and age for more comments.

Translation   The principal envoy Takamuku no Genri [Gwenri], died in [Great] Tang. < Iki no Hakatoko says, the learner-of-things monk Emyō died in Tang. Chisō died at sea. Chikoku died at sea. [A different] Chisō, in the year [c690], returned on a Shiragi ship. Kakushō died in Tang. Gitsū died at sea. Jōe, in the year [c665], returned on the ship of [with] Ryū Tokukō and others. Myōi and Hōshō, the learner-of-things students Hi no Muraji Okina and Kō Wōkon, totalling twelve people, with the Yamato offspring Kan Chikō and Jō Ganhō [Ganpō, Gwanpō], returned with the envoys this year [c664-668]. >

Kanbun   押使高向玄理、卒於大唐。< 伊吉博得言、學問僧惠妙、於唐死。知聰、於海死。智國、於海死。智宗、以庚寅年 [n20 持統四年] 、付新羅船歸。覺勝、於唐死。義通、於海死。定惠、以乙丑年 [n25 天智四年] 、付劉�ｺ高等船歸。妙位・法勝、學生氷連老人・高黄金、幷十二人、別倭種韓智興・趙元寶、今年 [n34 天智三年以後、同七年までの間の某年] 共使人歸。> (NKBT 68:323)

Yamato translation   Sube-tsukahi Takamuku no Guwenri, Morokoshi ni miusenu. < Iki no Hakatoko ga ihaku, mono-narafu hofushi Wemeu, Morokoshi ni shite miusenu. Chisou, umi ni shite miusenu. Chikoku, umi ni shite miusenu. Chisou, kanoe-tora-no-toshi [n20 Jitō 4-nen] wo mote, Shiragi no fune ni tsukite kaeru. Kakushiou, Morokoshi ni shite miusenu. Gitsuu, umi ni shie misenu. Dziauwe kinoto-no-toshi [n25 Tenchi 4-nen] wo mote, Riu Tokukau ra ga fune ni tsukite kaeru. Meuwi・Hofushiou mono-narafu hito Hi no Muraji Okina・Kau Waukomu, awasete towo amari futari, koto ni Yamato no udzi Kan Chikou・Deu Guwanhou, kotoshi Tenchi 3-nen igo, dō 7-nen no aida, sono bōnen], tsukahibito to tomo ni kaereri to ifu. > (NKBT 68:322)

Aston's translation   The Controlling Envoy Takamuku no Kuromaro died in Great Thang. < Yuki no Hakatoko says: -- "The student-priest Yemō died in Thang; Chisō died at sea; Chikoku died at sea; Chisō [n2: Spelt with a different Chinese character to the other] returned in a Silla ship in the year Kanoye Tora [n3: A.D. 690]; Gakushō died in Thang; Gitsū died at sea; Jōye returned in the year Kinoto Ushi [n4: A.D. 665] in the ship of Liu Teh-kao [n5: Presumably a Chinese]; Myōi, Hōshō and the students Okina, Hi no Muraji and Kō Wōgon [n6: A Japanese who had taken a Chinese name], twelve persons in all, with Kan Chikō and Cho Gempō, of foreign Japanese birth, came back this year along with the envoys." > (Aston 2:246)

Comments

The date of main report, concerning the conflict between Kudara (Paekche) forces and Shiraga (Silla) and Tang forces, is dated 654. The text highlighted in red is an interlineal note (割注) attributed to Iki no Hakatoko (伊吉博得), cited from his report concerning the 4th Yamato mission to Tang, called "Iki no Muraji Hakatoko no fumi" (伊吉連博�ｺ書), completed between 683 and 695, after he had been promoted to the rank of Muraji. This is the first of four such annotations which appear in the final chapters of Nihongi, which ends with events dated in 697. The annotations concern not only the fates of envoys, monks, and students associated with the mission, but also incidents which occurred during the mission.

Iki no Hakatoko was active between c659-c703. He accompanied the 4th Yamato diplomatic mission to the Tang court in 659-661. In Japan he entertained a number of visiting Tang envoys, and seems to have been in charge of the 6th mission in 667-668, which escorted a visiting Tang envoy partway back to China. And in 695 he was appointed one of the envoys sent to Shiragi (Silla) (遣新羅使) (Nihongi Jitō 9-Autumn-7-26, 9-9-6 , NKBT 68:528-529, Aston 2:419).

koto ni Yamato no udzi

別倭種 koto ni Yamato no udzi (ことにやまとのうぢ)   NKBT Note 31 observes that Shayku Nihongi (釈日本紀), a late 13th-century annotated text of the Nihongi, marks these graphs to be read "koto Yamato udzi" (コトヤマトウヂ), and says this reading is probably erroneous. No reasons are given.

別 koto ni   This appears to imply that Kan Chikō and Chō Ganhō were not members of the parities of envoys, monks, and students that travelled to China. Kan Chikō appears to have been in China when the Yamato mission arrived at the Tang court c660 (see below), and Chō Ganhō appears to have been in Kudara when Yamato forces withdrew from the peninsula in c663 (see below).

倭種 Yamato no udzi   NKBT Note 31 adds that "Yamato no uji" refers to "a mixed-blood child with a Japanese" (倭種とは日本人との混血児 Yamato no uji to wa Nihonjin to no konketsuji). Graphically, 倭種 could be read "Yamato no tane" or "Yamato-dane" in the sense of "Yamato seed (sperm)" -- meaning descent from a Yamato father -- in reference to person sired by a Yamato man who had taken a non-Yamato (perhaps Kudara) woman as his wife -- reminisencent of the definition of "karako" (韓子) (see NS 530 above) and "karabara" (韓腹) (see NS 544 above).

While this appears to be the standard interpretation of "Yamato no uji/tane" (倭種), it's meaning is not crystal clear. The metaphor makes sense, however. There would be no need to specify that someone is of "Yamato no uji/tane" except to stress that someone born of a non-Yamato womb was of "Yamato blood" on account of the womb having been "seeded" by a Yamato man.

The word "uji" is usually graphed 氏, which refers to a clan generally defined by male lineage. Within Japan, "Yamato uji" (和氏) referred to a clan of Kudara migrant origins. One such clan would be the ancestral family of Emperor Kanmu's mother Takano no Asomi Niigasa, whose father's kabane was "Yamato no Fubito" (和史) (see SN 790").

The term 倭種 appears in the first line in the description of the "Wa people" (倭人) in the "Accounts of the Eastern Barbarians" (東夷伝) chapter in the "Book of Wei" (魏書 Wei shou, Wei shu) chapters of the Record of the Three Kingdoms (三国志 Sankuochih, Sanguozhi), a Chinese history compiled in the 3rd-century, and the first line of a similar description in the History of the Later Han Dynasty (後漢書 Hou Han shou, Hou Han shu), a 5th-century history of the period that immediately preceded the Three Kingdoms era.

The first line of the Three Kindoms version of what in Japan is popularly called the "Gishi Wajin den" (魏志倭人伝) reads like this.

The first lines of the Later Han version read like this.

It thus appears that 倭種 means -- if not exactly "mixed blood" -- at least some degree of "kinship" resulting from intermarriage between the two populations, most likely concomitant with a migration of an aggressive population into the territory of a neighboring population.

韓智興・趙元寶 Kan Chikō and Chō Ganpō   Apparently these two men were allowed to accompany the envoys and others returning to Japan -- either during the 5th (665-667) mission, or more likely the 6th (667-668). If indeed they were "Yamato no uji" in the sense of being of mixed blood, then most likely they were the children of Kudara mothers and Yamato fathers. As such they would have acquired their names from their mother's clan but also grown up aware of their father's clan, and apparently they nurtured loyalties toward both Kudara and Yamato.

Kan Chikō is mentioned in two other citations from Iki no Hakatoko report, both of which allude what appear to be the same incident (659: Saimei 5-Autumn-7-3; 661: Saimei 7-5-23). In 659, the 6th mission went to China (唐), by way of an island that was part of Kudara (Paekche), which Japan was helping defend against Shiragi (Silla). In 660, a follower of Kan Chikō, who was in China, "falsely accused our visitors" (枉讒我客), and China decided to banish (流罪) them, but Iki no Hakatoko appealed the punishment and China pardoned them. However, China forbade the Yamato visitors (倭客) from returning to Japan by way of "East of the sea" (海東), a reference to the Korean peninsula, where Tang troops would be supporting Silla (Shiragi) in its campaigns against Paekche (Kudara), which Japan was still supporting. Hence the mission returned in 661 via of the more dangerous route directly across the sea.

Chō Gwanpō was apparently involved in Yamato operations in Kudara (Paekche) in late 663 and early 664 (Nihongi Tenchi 2-3, NKBT 68:360-361, Aston 2: 280ff), when Kudara was capitulating to Tang forces, and Japanese supporting Kudara evacuated the peninsula. He was reportedly one of four men who wanted to inform Yamato of Tang's intentions but lacked sufficient clothing and food (縁無衣粮) to go together. One of the men prevailed on the other three to sell him (賣我身) to obtain what they needed, and apparently they, including Chō Ganhō, were able to escape. The man who volunteered to stay was captured by Tang forces and would not reach Japan until 690, when he was duly awarded for his loyalty (Nihongi 690: Jitō 4-Winter-10-22, NKBT 68: 506-507, Aston 2:400).

Translation   [The sovereign] takes Kudara no Koshiki Zenkō and others and has them reside in Naniwa. A star that is [A star] falls north of the capital [miyako].

Kanbun   以百済王善光王等、居于難波。有星殞於京北。(NKBT 68:361)

Yamato translation   Kudara no Kokishi Zenkwau [Note 25] wau ra wo mote, Naniha ni haberashimu. Hoshi arite Miyako no kita ni otsu. (NKBT 68:360)

Aston's translation   Prince Syön-kwang [Note 1] of Pèkché and his people were given a residence at Naniha. There was a star which fell north of the capital. (Aston 2:282)

Comments

Kudara no Kokishi Zenkō

Kudara no Kokishi Zenkwau   NKBT Note 25 states that Zenkō [Good light] is also written Zenkō (禅広 Zen spreads], then remarks that it is not clear whether he is a younger brother or a son of Paekche king Giji (義慈王 Ŭija-wang).

Note 25 then refers to the biographical information about Zenkō which appears in the obituary of Kudara no Konishiki Keifuku in the Shoku Nihongi (see 766 Kudara Keifuku dies), and observes that he died in the 7th year of Jitō (693) and that he was granted the rank of "koshiki" (wang, king) after his death (see 693 Zenko dies a king).

Prince Syön-kwang   Aston Note 1 says "The history of Pèkché in the "Tongkam" ends with the previous King Wichă. Syön-kwang was his son."

Translation   [This month the sovereign] also takes 400 some men and women of the hundred surnames [common people] of Kudara [Paekche], and has them reside in the Kanzaki district of Omi province.

Kanbun   復以百済百姓男女四百余人、居于近江国神前郡。 (NKBT 68:363)

Yamato translation   Mata, Kudara no tami wonoko menoko yo-ho-tari-amari wo mote, Afumi no kuni no Kamusaki [Note 23] no Kohori ni oku. (NKBT 68:362)

Aston's translation   Moreover Pèkché common people, men and women to the number of more than 400, were given residences in the district of Kanzaki, in the province of Afumi. (Aston 2:283)

Comments

Grants of paddy fields

An item dated the following month reports that the Kudara people (百済人 Kudarabito) in Kamusaki no Kohori were given paddy fields.

NKBT Note 23 observes that the Koori [district] of Kamusaki [Kamizaki, Kanzaki] was in the southeast of present-day Shiga prefecture, then cites an item in the Sakō shoban section of the Shōjiroku which translates "The Muraji of Kamusaki is a descendant of Prince Kaju, a person of the country of Kudara" (神前連、百済国人賈受君之後也). The text in Shinsen shōjiroku translates "The Muraji of Kamusaki comes [descends] from Senior Sixth Rank Prince Kaju, a person of the country of Kudara" (神前連出自百済国人正六位上賈受君也).

I have translated 以 XXX 居于 YYY more literally "takes XXX and has them reside in YYY". The Yamato translation is "XXX wo mote YYY ni oku" [takes XXX and places them in YYY]. Aston renders the phrase "XXX were given a residence at YYY".

Translation   Kudara no Kokishi [prince] Shōjō passes. [The sovereign] granted him the rank of Lesser Purple [6th rank].

Kanbun   百済王昌成薨。贈此小紫位。(NKBT 68:415)

Yamato translation   Kudara no Kokishi Shiyaujiyau [Note 24] miusenu. Seu Shi no kurai wo wohitetamau. (NKBT 68:414)

Aston's translation   Prince Chhyangsyŏng of Pèkché died. He was granted the rank of Outer Shōshi. [Note 3] (Aston 2:325)

Comments

Kudara no Kokishi Shōjō

Kudara no Kokishi Shiyaujiyau   NKBT Note 24 observes that, according to the obituary for Keifuku in the Shoku Nihongi, Shōjō's was a grandson of Paekche king Giji, a son of Zenkō, and the older brother of Ryōgu (朗虞 d737), that he accompanied his father to the Yamato court [from the peninsula] when a child, and has thus predeceased his father. See also NKBT Note 22 in 686 Ryōgu's attends Tenmu's funeral.

Other sources describe Ryōgu as Zenkō's grandson, Shōjō's son, and Keifuku's father.

See the "Dramatis personae" section of Soga and Fujiwara wombs: The violent birth of Yamato harmony for further biographical details.

Prince Chhyangsyŏng of Pèkché   Aston Note 3 says "Chhyang-syŏng was a grandson of Wi-chă, the last king of Pèkché. His father took refuge in Japan on the downfall of the dynasty."

Death terms

Prince Shōjō is of such a status as to "pass" (薨) rather than "finish" (卒) or "die" (死), but is not high enough to "collapse" (崩).

An item dated the following month reports that Ki no Omi Ahemaro (Abemaro) "finished" (卒 sotsu, shutsu) and was given the rank of Major Purple (大紫　daishi), the 5th rank of some 26 ranks still in use as defined by Tenmu's older brother Tenchi. The Yamato translation renders this as "miusenu" -- the same as it has rendered "pass away" (薨 kō) in the case of Shōjō's death.

The differention of terms for dying in most of the early chronologies is fairly predictable and consistent. There were essentially four grades of death.

Other single-graph terms for death include "vanish" (亡), "go" (行), "depart" (去), "flow on" (逝), "be ruined" (滅). And there are all manner of compounds and phrases for leaving this life and moving on to the next world.

Cap ranks

The ranks are "cap ranks" (冠位 kan'i) according to the reforms in the ranking system made under Tenchi in 664. The system was changed under Tenmu in 686. These and other ranking systems are fully listed in the Nihon shoki.

Translation   [The sovereign] commanded and said [An edict said], again revise the clan names [titles] of the various lineages [families], make titles of eight colors [ranks], thereby mixing [the ranks of] the myriad titles under heaven. 1st called, Mabito. 2nd called, Asomi. 3rd called, Sukune. 4th called, Imiki. 5th called, Michinoshi. 6th called, Omi. 7th called, Muraji. 8th called, Inaki.

Kanbun   詔曰、更改諸氏之族姓、作八色之姓、以混天下万姓。一曰、真人。二曰、朝臣。三曰、宿禰。四曰、忌寸。五曰、道師。六曰、臣。七曰、連。八曰、稲置。(NKBT 68:465)

Yamato translation   Mikotonori shite notamahaku, "Mata moromoro no udji no kabane wo aratamete, yakusa no kabane wo tsukurite, ame no shita no yorodzu no kabane wo marokasu. Hitosu ni ihaku, Mabito. Futatsu ni ihaku, Asomi. Mitsu ni ihaku, Sukune. Yotsu ni ihaku, Imiki. Itsu ni ihaku, Michinoshi. Mutsu ni ihaku, Omi. Nanatsu ni ihaku, Muraji. Yatsu ni ihaku, Inaki." (NKBT 68:464)

Aston's translation   The Emperor made a decree, saying:--"The hereditary titles of all the families are again reformed, and eight titles of eight classes instituted. By this means the miltitudinous titles of the Empire are amalgamated. The first is Mabito, the second Ason, the third Sukune, the fourth Imiki, the fifth Michi no Shi, the sixth Omi, the seventh Muraji, and the eight Inaki." (Aston 2:364-365)

Miller's translation   The kabane of various uji are again modified and kabane of eight ranks [yakusa no kabane] are [hereby] constituted. By this means the multitude of kabane of the empire will be integrated. The first [rank] is called mahito; the second; asomi; the third, sukune; the fourth, imiki; the fifth, michi-no-shi; the sixth, omi; the sevent, muraji; and the eight [sic eighth], inaki. (Miller 1974:52).

Comments

NKBT version

The Japanese translation glosses 族姓 as "kabane", which I have dubbed "clan name" to reflect both elements. "Uji" (氏) refers to an extended family related by lineage, whereas "zoku" (族) is a more generic term for any descent group, or more broadly any affiliation groups. Together, they form the word 氏族 (shizoku), meaning a clan, or gens, defined through the paternal or maternal line. The anthropological distinctions sometimes made between such terms need not concern us here.

Aston's version

Regarding "families" Aston notes (note 4) that "Nobel families are of course meant. Here as elsewhere the word I translate title is 姓 or surname. The Japanese had no proper surnames at this time." Aston suspects the title Ason (朝臣) "is the Corean title 阿飡 [J. Asan, K. Ason]" (note 2). He also states that the title Imiki "was specially given to immigrants from Corea, and is said to be for ima-ki or new-comer" (note 4).

Imaki

Aston was alluding to the Yamato reading of expression 今来 (imaki), which Kōjien defines as "having newly [just] come across [the sea]" (新たに渡来したこと arata ni torai shita koto); or, such a person. Newly [for the first time] proceeding [to serve court] (新参 shinzan)."

The term "torai" is used in the Kojiki, as in 300 Shiragians build pond and 300s Hata, Aya come.

Miller's version

The text of Tenmu's kabane edict is reproduced on the cover of Miller's 1974 study of the kabane ranking system and the distribution of kabane, based mostly on the Shinsen Shōjiroku (815).

Translation   This day, Kudara no Kokishi Ryōgu represented Kudara no Kokishi Zenkō and eulogized him [the deceased sovereign Tenmu] [in mourning]. Next the miya-tsu-ko [officials of the shrines] of the various provinces, as they proceeded [to] and attended [arrived at] [the funeral], each eulogized him. [They] also performed [for the deceased sovereign] all manner of songs and dances.

Kanbun   是日、百済王良虞、代百済王善光而誄之。次国々造等、随参赴各誄之。仍奏種々歌舞。(NKBT 68:483)

Yamato translation   Ko no hi ni, Kudara no Kokishi Riyaugu [Note 21], Kudara no Kokishi Zenkuwau [Note 22] ni kaharite, shinobikoto tatematsuru. Tsugi ni kukuguni no Miyatsukodomo, maudekuru ni shitagahite, onoono shinobikto tatematsuru. Yorite kusagusa no utamahi wo tsukahematsuru. (NKBT 68:482)

Aston's translation   On this day, the Paèkché prince Nyang-u pronounced a eulogium on behalf of his father, Prince Chön-kwang. Next, the Miyakko of the various provinces, as they came, each pronounced his eulogy. There were also performances of all manner of singing and dancing. (Aston 2:381)

Comments

Tenmu sent off with Kudara (Paekche) condolences

The significance of this account is that it features by name the son of Zenkō -- himself a son of the last Paekche king, who was sent by his father to Yamato and stayed -- offering condolences to the soveriegn who accepted Zenkō. Its to close the curtain on the Tenmu books may have been intended to underscore the submission of Kudara descendants. Or the intent may have been to legitimize the participation of people of Kudara descent in the Yamato government at the time the Nihon shoki was being compiled.

There are two Tenmu books, and together they give more space to his reign than to that of any other sovereign. Only the two books that relate the legends from the age of the gods, leading up to the start of Jinmu's reign, are longer. The third longest single book is that which covers reign of Kinmei, when Buddhism is said to have been introduced to Yamato.

Translation   [The sovereign] took 56 people of Koma [Koguryo] who had thrown [themselves at her service] and changed [their allegiance], and had them reside in Hitachi. [They were] granted paddies and received a stipend of grain, and allowed to peacefully life and work.

Kanbun   以投化高麗五十六人、居于常陸国。賦田受稟、使安生業。(NKBT 68:489)

Yamato translation   Onodzukara ni mauomobukeru Komabito iso-amari-muyu-tari wo mote, Hitachi no kuni ni haberashimu. Ta tamahi kate tamahite, narihahi ni yasukarashimu. (NKBT 68:488)

Aston's translation   Fifty-six immigrants from Koryö were settled in the province of Hitachi. They were given lands, received an allowance of grain, and made to pursue their avocations in peace. (Aston 2:385)

Translation   [The sovereign] took 14 people of Shiragi [Silla] who had thrown [themselves at her service] and changed [their allegiance], and had them reside in Shimotsukeno province. [They were] granted paddies and received a stipend of grain, and allowed to peacefully life and work.

Kanbun   以投化新羅人十四人、居于下毛野国。賦田受稟、使安生業。(NKBT 68:489)

Yamato translation   Onodzukara ni mauomobukeru Shirakihito towo-amari-yo-tari wo mote, Shimotsuke no kuni ni haberashimu. Ta tamahi kate tamahite, narihahi ni yasukarashimu. (NKBT 68:488)

Aston's translation   Fourteen immigrants from Silla were settled in the province of Shimotsukenu. They were given land and received an allowance of grain, and made to pursue their avocations in peace. (Aston 2:385)

Translation   The Viceroy (大宰 Dazai, Oomikotomochi) of Tsukushi (筑紫) presented [the sovereign Jitō] 22 people -- priests and nuns, and men and women of the hundred surnames [common people] -- of Shiragi [Silla], who had thrown [themselves at her service] and changed [their allegiance], and had them reside in Musashi province. [They were] granted paddies and received a stipend of grain, and allowed to peacefully live and work.

Kanbun   筑紫大宰献投化新羅僧尼及百姓男女廿二人。居于武蔵国。賦田受稟、使安生業。(NKBT 68:489)

Yamato translation   Tsukushi no Ohmikotomochi, Onodzukara ni mauomobukeru Shiraki no hoshi-ama oyobi tami no wonoko-menoko hatachi-amari-fu-tari wo tatematsuru. Misashi no kuni ni haberashimu. Ta tamahi kate tamahite, narihahi wo yasukarashimu. (NKBT 68:488)

Aston's translation   The Viceroy of Tsukushi presented priests, nuns and common people, men and women, twenty-two persons, immigrants from Silla. They were settled in the province of Musashi, where they were granted lands and an allowance of grain, and were made to follow their avocations in peace. (Aston 2:385)

Translation   [The sovereign] took Shiragi [Silla] people who had thrown [themselves before (submitted themselves to) the Yamato court] and changed [their allegiance] and had them reside in Shimotsukeno.

Kanbun   以投化新羅人、居于下毛野。(NKBT 68:495)

Yamato translation   Onodzukara ni mauomobukeru Shirakihito wo mote, Shimotsukeno ni haberashimu. (NKBT 68:495)

Aston's translation   Summer, 4th month, 8th day. Immigrants from Silla were settled in the province of Shimotsukenu. (Aston 2:391)

Comments

See "Kika" and "toka" for comparisons of "tōka" (投化) with "kika" (帰化) as synomyms for "submission and change of allegiance".

Translation   Fifty people -- the monk Senkichi, Kyūsan [rank] Hoku Jochi, and others of Shiragi [Silla] -- submit [to the moral authority of the sovereign] and change [their allegiance].

monk reflects 沙門 (shamon), a Chinese transliteration of Sanskrit "sramana", which means a monk or other such person who has left the world and entered the gate of Buddha in order to better contemplate one's existence.

Kanbun   新羅沙門詮吉・級飡北助知等五十人帰化。(NKBT 68:501)

Yamato translation   Shiraki no hofushi Senkichi・Kifusan [Note 37] Hoku Jochi ra, iso-tari, mauomobukeri. (NKBT 68:501)

Kifusan   NKBT Note 37 glosses Kyōsan as the 9th of 17 Shiraki ranks.

Aston's translation   A Buddhist priest of Silla named Chön-kil, Peuk Cho-chi, of Keupson rank, and others, fifty persons in all, immigrated to Japan. (Aston 2:396-397)

Translation   [The sovereign] took 12 people including Kanna [ranked] Makoma of Shiragi [Silla] who had submitted and changed, and had them reside in the province of Musashi.

Kanbun   以帰化新羅韓奈末許満等十二人、居于武蔵国。(NKBT 68:501)

Yamato translation   Mauomobukeru Shiraki no Kanna [Note 40] Makoma ra towo-amari-fu-tari wo mote, Musashi no kuni ni haberashimu. (NKBT 68:501)

Kanna [Note 40]   NKBT Note 40 glosses "Kanna" as the 11th of 17th cap ranks of Shiraki.

Aston's translation   Hö-man, of Han Nama rank, and other Silla men, twelve persons in all, who had come as immigrants, were settled in the province of Musashi. (Aston 2:397)

Translation   21 Kudara men and women submitted and changed.

Kanbun   百済男女廿一人帰化。(NKBT 68:503)

Yamato translation   Kudara no wonoko-menoko hatachi-amari-hi-tori, mauomobuku. (NKBT 68:502)

Aston's translation   Twenty-one immigrants from Pèkché, men and women, arrived. (Aston 2:398)

Translation   [The sovereign] took Siragians [Sillans] and others who had submitted and changed, and had them reside in Shimotsukeno province.

Kanbun   以帰化新羅人等、居于下毛野国。(NKBT 68:505)

Yamato translation   Mauomobukeru Shirakihitodomo wo mote, Shimotsukeno no kuni ni haberashimu. (NKBT 68:504)

Aston's translation   Silla immgrants were settled in the province of Shimotsukenu. (Aston 2:399)

Comments

See Toka and kika for comparisons of "tōka" (投化) with "kika" (帰化) as synomyms for "submission and change of allegiance".

Translation   [The sovereign] takes [the title] Shōkōsan and grants [it] to Kudara no Kokishi. Along [with this] [he] grants funerary objects [condolence money and burial articles].

Kanbun   以正広参、贈百済王善光。并賜賻物。(NKBT 68:519)

Yamato translation   Shiyaukuwausamu wo mote, Kudara no Kokishi Zenkuwau [Note 33] ni ohitetamafu. Ahasete haburimono [Note 34] tamau. (NKBT 68:519)

Aston's translation   The posthumous rank of Shō-kwō-san was granted to Syön-kwang, Prince of Pèkché, and a contribution made towards his funerary expenses. (Aston 2:411)

Comments

Yōrō codes

The Yōrō codes (養老律令 Yōrō ritsuryō) as such appeared around 718 as a revision of the Taihō codes (大宝律令 Taihō ritsuryō), which were finished in 701 after about two decades of development. Whatever funerary gifts were given Zenkō would, of course, have been based on practices contemporary with this development.

Translation   [The sovereign] takes 37 people, the Shiragians [Sillans] Muji, More, and others who came flowed [drifted] and came [arrived], and assigns and grants [them] to Yokutoku and others.

flowed [drifted] and came [arrived]   See comments on "Drifted and arrived" below.

Kanbun   以流来新羅人牟自毛礼等丗七人、付賜憶徳等。(NKBT 68:521)

Yamato translation   [Note 8] Maukeru Shirakihito Muji More ra miso-amari-nana-tari wo mote, Yokutoku [Note 9] ra ni sadzuketamafu. (NKBT 68:520)

Aston's translation   Thirty-seven castaways from Silla, named Muchä, Monyé, etc., were handed over to Ök-tök and his party. (Aston 2:411)

Comments

Drifted and arrived

Note that the Yamato translation has reduced 流来 (ryōrai) meaning "flow and come" to simply "maukeru" -- the past attributive form of "mauku" or hence "[those] who came".

The term 漂着 (hyōchaku), as used in the NHBT headnote, has long been the most common expression for arrival by drifting at sea. This term appears in many historical records. In Seishū tōka ki, for example, it is used to describe the arrival at Himuka (Miyazaki) in 1680 of apparently shipwrecked people from Padang. See 6 of 18 Padangese survive for a translation of this account.

Earlier variations of the "drift and arrive" metaphor include 漂著 (hyōchaku), which appears in the Nihon kōki account of the the 26 Sillans who arrived at the port of Hakata in 814. See 814 26 Sillans at Hakata for a translation of this account and commentary on the flow of Sillans to Japan from the late 7th to early 10th centuries.

NKBT texts of 303 and 304

(NKBT MYS-1, NKBT 4:164-165)

Kanbun   柿本朝臣人麻呂、下筑紫國時、海路作歌二首

Japanese Translation   柿本朝臣人麻呂、筑紫國に下りし時、海路にて作る歌二首

Romanization   Kakinomoto no Ason Hitomaro, Tsukushi no kuni ni kudarishi toki, umidzi nite tsukuru uta nishu

Translation   Two poems Kakinomoto no Ason Hitomaro made on the seaway when descending to the land [province] of Tsukushi

seaway reflects umidzi (海路 umiji, kairo), as I am reading the word here. Another possible Yamato reading is "umitsudzi" (海津路), as seen in poem 1781 (Book 9, NKBT MYS-2, NKBT 5:404-405). Use of genitive or relational "tsu" was mainly dictated by the poetics (mora count) of a phrase -- hence "umidzi ni idete" (海路尒出而) in poem 366, but "umi-tsu-dzi no" (海津路乃) in poem 1781.

descended (下) reflects kudarite -- meaning that the direction of travel was "down" or "away from" the court or capital. Such conventions for clarifying the direction of movement are alive and well in designations of inbound and outbound trains in relation to a central station as respectively "nobori" (climb, ascend) and "kudari" (descend). Similar designations are used for highways and ferry routes.

Levy's translations of 303 and 304

(Levy 1981, 1987:173)

NGS translations of 303 and 304

(NGS 1940, 1965:50)

NKBT texts of 3688-3690

(NKBT MYS-4, NKBT 7:84-86)

Kanbun   到壹岐嶋、雪連宅満忽遇鬼病死去之時作歌一首 < 并短歌 >

Japanese translation   壹岐の島に到りて、雪連宅滿の忽に鬼病に遇ひて死去りし時に作る歌一首 < 短歌を并せたり >

Romanization   Iki no shima ni itarite, Yuki no Muraji Yakamaro no tachimachi ni eyami [Note 3] ni ahite mimakarishi toki ni tsukuru uta isshu < Mijikauta wo ahasetari >

English translation   One poem made when, arriving at the island of Iki, Yuki no Muraji Yakamaro suddenly encountered the devil's disease and took leave of life < With short poems >

English translations  

NGS translations of 3688-3690

(NGS 1940, 1965:248)

Farris's revision of NGS translation of 3688

(Farris 1985:57)

Kanbun   高麗・百済二国士卒。遭本国乱。投於聖化。朝庭憐其絶域。給復終身。(SZKT SN-1:70)

Translation   Soldiers of the two countries of Kōrai (Korŏ) [J. Kōkuri, K. Koguryŏ] and Kudara (Paekche). They encountered rebellions in their home countries. They threw themselves at santification. The [imperial] court sympathizes with [their plight as refugees from distant and for them now] closed territories. [The court] will provide relief for the rest of their lives.

Comments

Threw themselves into santification

Kōjien defines 聖化 (seika) as 帝王の徳化 (Teiō no tokka), which means to convert to -- accept and adopt -- the moral principles of the sovereign. Both 聖化 and 徳化 were closely associated with embracing Buddhism tenets, which were then gaining prestige as Buddhism became increasing patronized by the imperial court. Whether the soldier's changed their allegiance (kika 帰化) is not clear, but the expression 投於聖化 -- meaning "to throw oneself into" or "submit to" (投於) the process of "becoming sacred" (聖化) or "santification" -- suggests that they, in exchange for being settled somewhere, provided with land, and enrolled in local registers, they purified their hearts of feelings which were counter to those required of imperial subjects. This suggests that the soldier's changed their allegiance (kika 帰化), which means to submit (commit) oneself to accepting and adopting the moral principles and authority of the emperor of Japan. What was essentially the object of what was called "kōminka" (皇民化) during the decades of colonial expansion and nationalization during the decades before the Pacific War, when new subjects in territories like Taiwan and Chōsen were subjected to education and other measures that sought to change them into the emperor's people.

The reigning sovereign at the time was Genshō (元正 680-748). She was 2 years into her reign (r715-724), which succeecced the reign of her mother Genmei (元明 660-721, r707-715). Two sovereigns, Kōken (孝謙 718-770, r749-758), the third female to become tennō in the 8th century -- and the last for over a millennia -- became close to the the monk Dōkyō (道鏡 700-772), who gained power through her support and aspired to the throne himself -- which naturally aroused the ire of the Shintō factions, which exiled Dōkyō from Nara after Kōken's death.

A "kyō" (卿) was the "Highest official in each of the eight ministries" (Reischauer 1967B:174) in the Ritsuryō system of government (Kōjien). At the time of his death, Keifuku was the director of the Gyōbushō [Kyōbushō, Keibushō] (刑部省), as the Ministry of Justice was also known was called from 1869 to 1871. The title of the directing minister changed from "kyō" (卿) to "daijin" (大臣) in 1885. The Yamato terms for the penal ministry were "utae tadasu tsukasa" (department of rectifying complaints) and "utae no tsukasa" (department of complaints). The ministry investigated crimes, conducted trials, meted out punishments, and otherwise oversaw the enforcement of law and administration of justice.

Keifuku ("Kyōfuku" in some sources) began his rise to prominence in 738 as the "deputy governor of [the province of] Mutsu" (陸奥介 Mutsu no suke) "deputy governor" (介 suke). He became the governor (守 kami) of Mutsu in 743, and over the next two decades served as the governor of several other provinces. During this period he also served in other posts, including the Minister of Imperial Houshold (宮内卿 Kunaikō) in 750, and on the occasion of the funeral of as the sovereign Shōmu in 756 he directed the Mountain [Tomb mound] building office (山作司 Yamatsukri no tsukasa). He was deeply involved in domestic affairs during the 760s.

See the "Dramatis personae" section of Soga and Fujiwara wombs: The violent birth of Yamato harmony for further biographical details.

Kanbun   刑部卿従三位百済王敬福薨。其先者、出自百済国義慈王。. . . 義慈王遣其子豊璋王及禅広王入侍。(SZKT SN-2:133)

See comments on "Kudara no Konikishi Keifuku" below.

Translation   Minister of Penal Affairs Junior Third Rank Kudara no Konikishi Keifuku passes away. His ancestors came from [the line of] king Giji [Uija] of the country of Kudara [Paekche]. . . . King Giji sent his sons king Hōshō (豊璋) and king Zenkō (禅広) who then entered the service of the Yamato court (入侍).

Comments

Kudara no Konikishi Keifuku

A "kyō" (卿) was the "Highest official in each of the eight ministries" (Reischauer 1967B:174) in the Ritsuryō system of government (Kōjien). At the time of his death, Keifuku was the director of the Gyōbushō [Kyōbushō, Keibushō] (刑部省), as the Ministry of Justice was also known was called from 1869 to 1871. The title of the directing minister changed from "kyō" (卿) to "daijin" (大臣) in 1885. The Yamato terms for the penal ministry were "utae tadasu tsukasa" (department of rectifying complaints) and "utae no tsukasa" (department of complaints). The ministry investigated crimes, conducted trials, meted out punishments, and otherwise oversaw the enforcement of law and administration of justice.

Keifuku ("Kyōfuku" in some sources) began his rise to prominence in 738 as the "deputy governor of [the province of] Mutsu" (陸奥介 Mutsu no suke) "deputy governor" (介 suke). He became the governor (守 kami) of Mutsu in 743, and over the next two decades served as the governor of several other provinces. During this period he also served in other posts, including the Minister of Imperial Houshold (宮内卿 Kunaikō) in 750, and on the occasion of the funeral of as the sovereign Shōmu in 756 he directed the Mountain [Tomb mound] building office (山作司 Yamatsukri no tsukasa). He was deeply involved in domestic affairs during the 760s.

See the "Dramatis personae" section of Soga and Fujiwara wombs: The violent birth of Yamato harmony for further biographical details.

Kanbun   天皇崩于西宮寝殿。(SZKT SN-2:379)

Translation   The sovereign collapses [deceases] at the west palace sleeping building [quarters].

collapses   Whereas people with higher cap ranks like Keifuku's status "passed" (薨), sovereigns "collapsed" (崩).

Shōtoku tennō (称徳天皇 718-770, r764-770), the 48th sovereign, had previosuly reigned as the 46th sovereign Kōken tennō (孝謙天皇 r749-758). The last of the Tenmu-line sovereigns, Shōtoku's spiritual and possibly romantic support of the ambitious monk Dōkyō (see next), who aspired to be the sovereign and replace Shinto rites with Buddhist observations in the court, resulted in a virtual ban on female sovereigns that, with two nominal exceptions in the 17th and 18th centuries, remains today in the form of a strictly patrilineal succession rule.

Kanbun   下野国言。造薬師寺別当道鏡死。. . . 死以庶人葬之。 (SZKT SN-2:402)

Translation   The province of Shimotsuke said [reported] [that] Dōkō, the attendant in charge of constructing Yakushiji, had died. . . . Due to his death commoners buried him.

Kanbun   陸奥国俘囚三百九十五人分配大宰管内諸国。(SZKT SN-2:429)

Translation   Captee prisoners of the land [province] of Mutsu, three-hundred and ninety-five persons, were split [among] and allocated to the various lands [provinces] within the jurisdiction of Dazai.

within the jurisdiction of Dazai (大宰管内) meant within the Saikaidō (西海道) or "western-sea way" region, which was overseen by the government headquarters at Daizaifu on Kyushu. The office was responsible for the nine provinces of Kyushu and the insular provinces of Iki and Tsushima, as well as for affairs concerning the southern (Ryukyu) islands.

Reischauer   [776] 10.29 (9.13) Three hundred and ninety-five Japanese who had been captured by the Ezo [and recaptured by the Japanese] (fushū) and were living in Mutsu-no-kuni were sent down to the provinces (kuni) under the jurisdiction of the Government Headquarters in Kyūshū (Dazaifu). (Reischauer 1967A:212)

Japanese . . . (fushū)   This interpretation is odd. See comments on "Captee prisoners" below.

Kanbun   出羽国俘囚三百五十八人配大宰管内及讃岐国。其七十八人班賜諸司及参議已上為賤。(SZKT SN-2:430)

Translation   Captee prisoners of the land [province] of Dewa, three-hundred and fifty-eight people, were allocated [distributed] within the jurisdiction of Dazai and [to] the land [province] of Sanuki. Seventy-eight people [among them] were divided [among] and awarded to the various officials and court advisers and above, and became base [subjects] [servants].

Reischauer   [777] 1.13 (11.29) Three hundred and fifty-eight Japanese who had been captured by the Ezo [and recaptured by the Japanese] (fushū) and were living in Dewa-no-kuni were sent down to Sanuki-no-kuni and the provinces (kuni) under the jurisdiction of the Government Headquarters in Kyūshū (Dazaifu). (Reischauer 1967A:212)

Japanese . . . (fushū)   This interpretation is odd. See comments on "Captee prisoners" below.

Comments

Captee prisoners

Reischauer's interpretation is odd for two reasons. First, the received accounts do not differentiate people in Mutsu and Dewa, or in other provinces, as "Japanese" and others. Second, the origins of the Mutsu and Dewa "captees and prisoners" are not clear.

The term "fushō" (俘囚) does not define itself. While it could refer to assimilated native inhabitants of Mutsu and Dewa, it could also mean simply local "prisoners of war" -- which would probably have included all manner of people descended from both Emishi or Ezo and migrant settlers.

In both of the above entries, "captees and prisoners" probably refers to local inhabitants of Mutsu and Dewa who, because they were associated with a rebel clan, were resettled in remote areas of Kyushu and Shikoku, to (1) punish them, (2) reduce the population of would be rebels in the locality, (3) free local land for use by migrants from other provinces, and (4) provide labor for the development of the areas to which they were sent.

That both entries referred to the "captees and prisoners" as "people" (人) suggests their numbers may have included women and even children in families.

The second entry, concerning "captees and prisoners" from Dewa, states that some of them became "base" subjects as a result of being given to high ranking officials, presumably as servants or slaves. This would seem to imply that the others were "good" subjects who stood to be counted as taxable heads and receive allocations of land for cultivation.

Kanbun text (SZKT SN-2:445)

○壬子。遣唐第四船来泊薩摩国甑嶋郡。其判官海上真人三狩等漂着耽羅嶋。被嶋人略留。但録事韓国連源等。陰謀解纜而去。率遺衆四十余人而来帰。○乙卯。第二船到泊薩摩国出水郡。又第一船海中々[中]断。舳艫各分。主神津守宿祢[禰]国麻呂。并唐判官等五十六人。乗其艫而着甑嶋郡。判官大伴宿祢[禰]人。并前入唐大使藤原朝臣河清之女喜娘等卌一人。乗其舳而着肥後国天草郡。継人等上奏言。継人等去年六月廿四日。四船同入海。七月三日 . . . 八月廿九日 . . . 十月十六日 . . . 正月十三日。到長安 。. . . 三月廿四日 . . . 四月廿日 . . . 六月二十五日 . . . 九月三日 . . . 。十一月五日。得信風。第一第二船同発入海。比及海中。八日初更。風急波高。打破左右棚根。潮水満船。蓋板挙流。人物随漂。無遺タ[勺]撮米水。副使小野朝臣石根等卅八人。唐使趙宝英等廿五人。同時没入。不得相救。但臣一人潜行著舳檻角。顧眄前後。生理絶路。十一日五更。帆檣倒於船底。断為両段。舳艫各去未知所到。四十余人累居方丈之舳挙軸欲没。載纜枕柁[截纜抛植]。得少浮上。脱却衣裳。裸身懸坐。米水不入口。已経六日。以十三日亥時漂着肥後国天草郡西仲嶋。臣之再生。叡造所救。不任歓幸之至。謹奉表以聞。

Structural translation

○ The 4th ship sent to Tang arrived and moored in the Koshikishima district of Satsuma province. Its magistrate Unakami no Mahito Mikari and others drifted to and arrived at Tanratō. They were by the islanders captured and detained. However, the registrar Karakuni no Muraji Minamoto and others. They secretly plotted, untied the bonds, and left [for Japan]. The remaining group of 40 some people also came back.

○ 13th day [of the 11th month of the 9th year of Hōki] [10 December 778 Gregorian, 6 December 778 Julian]. The 2nd ship arrived and moored in the Izumi district of Satsuma province. But the 1st ship in the middle of the sea breached in the middle. The stem and the stern, each separated. The prior (kantsukasa 主神) Tsumori no Sukune Kunimaro. And the Tang magistrate and others, 56 people. Rode the stern and arrived in the Koshikijima district [of Satsuma province]. The [Japan] magistrate Ōtomo no Sukune Tsuguhito [d785]. With the girl [daughter] Kijō of Fujiwara Asomi Kawakiyo, the ambassador who had previously entered Tang, and others, 41 persons. Rode the stem and arrived in the Amakusa district of Higo province. Tsuguhito and others reported to the court saying.

Tsuguhito and others last year, 6th month, 24th day. 4 ships together entered the sea. 7th month, 3rd day. . . . 8th month, 29th day. . . . 10th month, 16th day. . . . 1st month, 13th day [18 February 778 Gregorian, 14 February 778 Julian]. Arrived at Chang'an. . . . 3rd month, 24th day. . . . 4th month, 22nd day. . . . 6th month, 25th day. . . . 9th month, 3rd day. . . . 11th month, 5th day [2 December 778 Gregorian, 28 November 778 Julian]. We obtained a reliable [good] wind. The 1st and 2nd ships together departed and entered the sea. In time we reached the middle of the sea. The 8th day [of the 11th month] [the 3rd day out], 1st watch [7-9 pm]. The winds quickened, the waves heightened. [They] struck and broke, left and right, the planks and chines. Tide [Sea] water filled the ship. Cover boards [Deck planks] raised and flowed [off]. People and things wantonly floated [away]. There was not left [even] a ladle or pinch of rice or water. The vice envoy Ono no Ason Iwane (小野朝臣石根) and others, 38 people. The Tang envoy Zhao Baoying (趙宝英) and others, 25 people. They at the same time fell [disappeared, sank] into [the sea]. We were unable to help and save them. However, I [Your subject] (Shin 臣) alone swam for and arrived at a corner of the cage [cabin, housing] of the stem. [I] looked and glanced [around], front and back. The wherewithalls of life were a closed road (seiri zetsuro 生理絶路). The 11th day [of the 11th month], 5th watch [3-5 AM]. The sail mast fell to the bottom of the ship. [It] broke [the ship] into two sections. The stem [bow, prow] and stern [poop] each went [drifted] to where we did not know. We 40 some people piled on the square-jō (hōjō 方丈) [one jō (丈) per side (方)] [3x3 meter, 10x10 foot] stem, raised the shaft [of the rudder] and [the stem] was wont to sink. We laid [hauled in] the [mooring] lines and pillowed [secured, shipped] the rudder [We cut the lines and cast away the rudder]. We were able to float up [rise] a little. We removed and discarded our clothes and garments. Our naked bodies hung to and sat on [the stem]. Rice and water did not enter our mouths. 6 days have already passed [since the storm]. Thereby, on the hour of i (亥) [9-11 pm] on the 13th day [of the 11th month] [8 days after departure], we drifted to and arrived at Nishinakashima in the Amakusa district of Hizen province [now Nagashima (長島) in Izumi county (出水郡) in Kagishima prefecture (鹿児島県)]. I [Your subject] (Shin 臣) was again born. [I] was saved by the work of heaven. [I] cannot bear [express] my joy over the extent of [my] fortune. [I] respectfully request that [the court] receive [this] report [memorial].

Notes

The received

Tanratō (耽羅嶋), also read Chiratō, would be Tamrado (탐라도) in Korean. The islands are now called Chejutō (済州島) in Japanese and Chejudo (제주도) in Korean. They were part of Kudara (Paekche) at the time Japan was deeply involved in Kudara and Mimana (Imna) affairs in the the 6th and 7th centuries, after which they became part of Shiragi (Silla). There is some dispute among historians as to what extent Tanra may have been under Japnese control, or whether it was inhabited by a distinct population that was neither Japanese nor Korean. The islands were in a position to catch storm damaged vessels that drifted toward the straits between Japan and Korea.

Karakuni no Muraji Minamoto (韓国連源) was one of a number of Yamato officials who bore the "Karakuni" (韓国) clan name (uji 氏). Historians generally hold that the name had originally been given to migrants from the peninsula who had settled in Yamato and changed their allegiance. "Karakuni" is a contemporary name for "Korea" in reference to the entire peninsula, which at times was divided into a number of kingdoms that fought each other for control of the peninsula. "Karakunidake" (韓国岳) is the highest peak in the Kirishima volcanic range. The name of the peak has also been written 唐国岳 using the "kara" or "Tang" or more generally "China". Both names appear to be based on reports or expectations that one could see Korea or China from the peaks.

Fujiwara Asomi Kawakiyo (藤原朝臣河清) shows "Kawakiyo" (河清) for "Kiyokawa" (清河), which reflects Kiyokawa's Chinese name "Heqing" (河清 J. Kasei, Kawakiyo). The received text has no gloss for its reading. Japanese who studied in China commonly received or adopted Chinese names. However, presumably only people who knew that this was Kiyokawa's Chinese name, and knew its reading in Chinese, would have pronounced the graphs in Chinese.

planks and chines (棚根) is my somewhat explanatory translation of what appears to denote both the higher and lower sideboards. According to the 5th (1998) editon of Kōjien, in reference to a Japanese-style ship (Wasen 和船), "nedana" (根棚) is a synonym for "kajiki" (加敷), which denotes the lowest planks and boards (tanaita 棚板) of the side of a ship. The upper boards are "uedana" (上棚). Ships with higher sides also have middle boards or "nakadana" (中棚). In English, "chine" refers to where the sides a boat is joined to the bottom. The chines may be soft or non-existent as in a "U" or "V" hull, or hard as between the more vertical sides and flatter bottom of a boxier hull, such as those depicted in drawings of the envoy ships. The chines are subject to cracking and breaking when running into rocks. And because they are close to or below the waterline, if they are shaken or broken in a storm, the ship will take on more water than if only the higher sideboards had been loosened or cracked.

Kanbun   中納言従三位藤原朝臣継縄為征東大使。(SZKT SN-2:460)

Translation   Fujiwara no Asomi Tsugitada, Middle Receiver and Speaker, Junior Third Rank, becomes Great Envoy for Subjugating the East.

Resichauer   [780] 5.7 ([Hoki 11] 6.8) Fujiwara Tsuginawa [sic = Tsugutada] was appointed Subjugating-the-East Great Official (Seitō-taishi), while Ōtomo Mashitachi and Ki Kosami were made Subjugating-the East Vice-Officials (Seitō-fukushi). (Reischauer 1967A:213)

Kanbun   従五位上百済王俊哲為陸奥鎮守副将軍。(SZKT SN 2:461)

Translation   Junior Fifth Rank Upper Kudara no Konikishi Shuntetsu becomes sub-general of Pacification and Protection of Michinoku.

Reischauer   [780] 7.14 ([Hoki 11] 6.8) Kudara Shuntetsu was appointed Vice-Great-general (Fuku-shōgun) of the Pacifying-Ezo Headquarters (Chinjufu). (Reischauer 1967A:213)

Kanbun   以中納言従三位藤原朝臣種継。左大弁従三位佐伯宿禰今毛人。[Ranks and names of eight others omitted] 等。為造長岡宮使。六位官八人。於是。経始都城。営作宮殿。(SZKT SN 2:500)

Translation   [The sovereign] took Middle Receiver and Speaker, Junior Third Rank Fujiwara no Asomi Tanetsugu. Left Major Controller, Junior Third Rank Saeki no Sukune Ima Emishi. [Ranks and names of eight other omitted] and others. Made [them] envoys [officials] [in charge of] constucting the Nagaoka palace. Eight officials of six ranks. With this [thereupon] [they] undertook and began the capital city. [They] built and made the palace buildings.

Fujiwara no Asomi Tanetsugu (藤原朝臣種継 737-785) was assassinated by opponents of the Nagaoka capital, including possibly Kanmu's younger brother and then crown prince Sawara. Tanetsugu's mother was the daughter of Hata no Imiki Chōgen, who had migrated to Yamato from the peninsula, and the Nagaoka palace was built with the help of Hata clansmen.

Saeki no Sukune Ima Emishi (佐伯宿禰今毛人 719-790) died (薨) two months before the death of Kanmu's mother. His title at the time of his death was "Scattered Rank, Senior Third Rank" (散位正三位), meaning he held the rank but had no post had previously been involved in the building of the Tōdaiji at Nara. According to his obituary, he was involved in the construction of the Tōdaiji at Nara from 744 during the reign of Shōmu. (Shoku Nihongi 40, Enryaku 9-10-3, 790-11-17 [13], SZKT SN-2:548).

Reischauer   >[784] 7.1 [Enryaku 3] (6.10) Fujiwara Tanetsugu, Saeki Imaemishi, and others were appointed officials in charge of building the Nagaoka-no-miya [the new capital at Nagaoka in Yamashiro-no-kuni]. This day work has begun on the palace buildings. (Reischauer 1967A:216-217)

Reischauer comments on this report as follows (Ibid).

[ Many reasons have been advanced for removing the capital from Nara. Some of the most imporant are: . . . and (6) the desire of the Fujiwara family to leave Nara, where its fortunes, so promising in the early years following the location of the capital there, had suffered a decline. Nagaoka was chosen by Fujiwara Tanetsugu in return for future court favors he might be able to procure for the family. In connection with this latter point it is interesting to remember that Kammu-Tennō was the first Soverign (Tennō) to have immigrant blood in his veins, for his mother, Takano Niigasa, was descended from a King of Paikché (Kudara). ]

Kanbun   皇太后崩。(SZKT SN 2:541)

Translation   The [deceased] [former] sovereign's widow [Takano no Asomi Niigasa] collapses [deceases].

[deceased] [former] sovereign's widow (皇太后 kōtaigō), meaning the wife of a deceased former sovereign ("empress dowager"). Her status is reflected in the use of "collapse" to describe her death.

Kanbun   中納言正三位藤原朝臣小黒麻呂率誄人奉誄。上謚曰天高知日之子姫尊。 (SZKT SN 2:541-542)

Translation   Fujiwara no Asomi Oguro Maro [733-794], Middle Receiver and Speaker, Senior Third Rank, consulted a [Shinto] condolence giver and [he] offered a condolence. The superior [sovereign] [gave] [the (deceased) (former) sovereign's widow] a send-off name calling [her] Ametaka Shiru Hi no Hime no Mikoto.

Kanbun   葬於大枝山陵。皇太后姓和氏。諱新笠。贈正一位乙継之女也。母贈正一位大枝朝臣真妹。后先出自百済武寧王之子純陁太子。皇后容徳淑茂。夙著声誉。天宗高紹天皇龍潜之日。娉而納焉。生今上。早良親王。能登内親王。宝亀年中。改姓為高野朝臣。今上即位。尊為皇太夫人。九年追上尊号。曰皇太后。其百済遠祖都慕王者。河伯之女感日精而所生。皇太后即其後也。因以奉謚焉。(SZKT SN-2 542)

Translation   Buried [the (deceased) (former) sovereign's widow] at Ooe Sanryō [imperial burial mound]. The [deceased] [former] sovereign's widow's [hereditary] clan name was Yamato. [Her] posthumous name [imina] was Niigasa. She was the daughter of Ototsugu of [posthumously] who had been given Senior First Rank. Her mother was Ooeda no Ason Maimo who had been given Senior First Rank [posthumously]. The [(deceased) (former) sovereign's] widow's ancestors came from Prince Junda [K. Sunta], son of Kudara [Paekche] King Munei [K. Munyŏng]. The sovereign widow had an exuberance of [moral] virtue and [feminine] grace [refinement]. From early [in her life] [people] highly spoke of and praised [her]. Ama-tsu-hitsugi Taka-tsu-gasu no Sumera Mikoto [Konin's posthumous name] in the days when the dragon was hidden [as a prince before he became the sovereign]. Beckoned and accepted [her] [as a consort]. [She] gave birth to the present superior [sovereign]. [And to] Prince Sawara. [And to] Princess Nōtō. During the Hōki years. [The sovereign] changed [her] [hereditary] title to Takano no Asomi. [When] the present superior [Kanmu] reached rank [became the sovereign]. [He] respected [her] [and] [her name of respect] became [He respected her as] the [former] sovereign's wife. For nine years after [the death of the sovereign Konin] the superior [the sovereign Kanmu] respected and styled [her]. [And] called [her] the [deceased] [former] sovereign's widow [dowager]. King Tsumo [K. Tomo], a distant ancestor of Paekche, was born when the daughter of [the river god] Habaek felt the essence [semen] of the sun. The [deceased] [former] sovereign's widow was his descendant. For this reason she was given the send-off name [Ametaka Shiru Hi no Hime no Mikoto].

Puyo and Yamato

Yamato founding myths share a number of elements with Puyo myths. Why this should be so is suggested by two facts.

The first fact is that by 538, during the reign of King Sŏng (聖王 r523-554), Paekche had moved its capital to Sabi (泗沘) and started to call itself "South Puyo" (南扶余 Nambuyŏ). The area is now Puyo county (扶餘郡 Puyŏ-gun) in South Ch'ungch'ong province (忠清南道 Ch'ungch'ŏngnam-do), which is midway along the west coast of the Republic of Korea. It was during Sŏng's reign, in 552 if not 538, that Buddhism was introduced to Yamato by Paekche envoys.

The second fact is that Yamato and Paekche had somehow established close ties long before the introduction of Buddhism, either through Yamato incursions on the peninsula -- or, as some contend, through early Puyo or Kudara (Paekche) involvement in the early growth of Yamato.

In any event, this 790 account in Shoku Nihongi, Japan's second national history, ancestrally links the present-day Imperial Family of Japan with the daughter of the god of a Puyo river. See Akihito's Korean roots: The Fujiwara embrace of Kudara for an account of Akihito's recognition of these ancient ties.

Kanbun   是日。詔曰。百済王等者朕之外戚也。今所以擢一両人。加授爵位也。(SZKT SN-2 543)

Translation   This day. [The sovereign] commands and says. "The Kudara no Konikishi and others are my outer [maternal] relatives. Now hence select one or two people [from among this clan]. [And] augment and award [peerage] titles and ranks."

Kanbun   陸奥鎮守將軍百濟王俊哲卒。

Translation   Mutsu pacification and protection general [shōgun] Kudara no Konishiki Shuntetsu finishes (dies).

Kanbun   右大臣正二位兼行皇太子傅中衞大將藤原朝臣繼繩薨。(SZKT NK 5:3)

Translation   Great Minister of the Right Senior Second Rank and also Crown Prince Attendant Middle Guard Major Captain Fujiwara no Asomi Tsugutada passes away.

Kanbun   化來新羅人加羅布古伊等六人配美濃國。(SZKT NK:126)

Translation   Six people, Shiragians [Sillans] Kara Fukoi and others, who had come and changed, are sent to the province of Mino.

Kanbun   大宰府言。新羅人辛波古知等二十六人漂著筑前國博多津。問其來由。遠投風化。(SZKT NK:128)

Translation   Dazaifu [government headquarters in present-day Fukuoka prefecture] reports. Twenty-six people, the Sillan Shin Hakochi and others, drifted [to] and arrived [at] the harbor of Hakata in the province of Chizuzen. [Officials] asked them the reason they had come. [They said they had] come far to throw [themselves] at [submit to] wind change [enlightenment].

Comments

Silla and Parhae

By the end of the 6th century, Silla had conquered the Kaya countries on the south of the peninsula. By 660 and 668 it had conquered Paekche to its west and the southern parts of Koguryo just north of Silla and Paekche. By 698 it had driven Tang forces out its territory, which was south of the Taedong river -- which runs through Pyongyang in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

The remnants of Koguryo, in the northern reaches of the peninsula, and north of the peninsula in what is now part of the People's Republic of China, formed a new entity called Parhae (渤海), the capital of which was established in present-day Heilongjiang province. Parhae and Japan maintained diplomatic ties in the form of visits of envoys from one country to the other, and several of Japan's missions to Tang passed through Parhae.

By the end of the 8th century, however, Silla was both defending its northern front from Parhae and Tang, but falling apart in civil wars that would have created refugees. A number of Sillans migrated to Japan as Silla weakened and finally succummed to forces that established the kingdom of Koryŏ (高麗) in 935.

Very likely the Sillans who arrived at Hakata in 814 were refugees who had some control over their vessel. They might even have left a port in what had been part of Mimana, with sufficient information about the crossing of the straits to know that, if they maintained a southeasterly course and kept certain islands in sight, they would probably end up around Hakata.

Kanbun   散事従二位百済王明信薨。(SKK 136)

Translation   Kudara no Konikishi Myōshin, Scattered Duty Junior Second Rank, passes away.

Ryō no gige
Ordinance 8: Households
Article 16: [Persons who] sink or fall [in] outside territories

令義解、8 戸令、16 没落外蕃条

Kanbun 凡没落外蕃 < 謂。没者。被抄略也。落者。遭風波而流落也。 > 得還。及化外人帰化者。所在国郡。給衣粮。具状発飛駅申奏。化外人。於寛国附貫安置。没落人依旧貫。無旧貫。任於近親附貫。並給粮。逓送使達前所。(SZKT RG:95-96)

Translation   Always: [When a person] is able to return [to Yamato] [from] an outside territory where [the person] has sunken or fallen < It is said: Sunken. Seized and taken. Fallen. Encountered winds and waves and flowed and fell. > . And [when] a person who is outside [beyond] change [beyond the reach of the sovereign's benevolence, which would inspire change in allegience] submits [to the sovereign's moral authority] and changes [allegiance]. The province or district in which [such a person] exists [is found]. Shall provide [the person] clothing and food. [And shall] detail the circumstances, dispatch a flying post-horse [send a message using official post horses], and report and relate [the matter to the court]. A person who is outside change. [Province or district authorities will] attach [the person] to a register [make a register for the person] and settle and place [the person] [somewhere]. [Attach] a sunken or fallen person to [the person's] old register. [Should] there not be an old register. Appoint [consign] [the person] to a near kin and attach [the person] to the [near kin's] register. And provide food. Send and forward [the person] and cause [the person] to reach the foregoing place [where the person is to be settled].

Japanese translation   外蕃（異国）に没落していた人が帰還したとき、及び、化外の人（異国人）が帰化するとき、所在の国郡は衣食を給付すること。状況をつぶさにして飛駅を発して申奏すること。異国人は、余地のある国の本籍に附けて安置すること。没落の人は、旧の本籍に属すこと。旧の本籍がなければ、任意の近親の籍に附けること。いずれも、食料を給付して逓送し、前所に達するようにすること。

Sansom's translation (Sansom 1934:137, brackets in original)

16. Persons who have returned after being captured or cast ashore in foreign territory and persons who beomce naturalized shall be provided with food and clothing in the district where they are found, and the facts shall be notified in detail to the authorities by post messenger (i.e. an official messenger using the government's posting stations and horses).

Naturalized persons shall be put on the register and settled in a good district; returned persons shall be put on their original register or, if they have no register, handed over to near relatives. They shall be provided with food until they reach their destination.

["Foreign territory" 外蕃 probably included the then unsubjugataed parts of Japan as well as the Asiatic mainland and outlying islands. The case envisaged is that of, for instance, shipwrecked fishermen.]

Ryō no gige
Ordinance 8: Households
Article 19: Making household registers

令義解、[8] 戸令、[19] 造戸籍条

Kanbun   凡戸籍六年一造。起十一月上旬。依式勘造。里別為巻。惣写三通。其縫皆注其国其郡其里其年籍。五月丗日内訖。二通申送太政官。一通留国。 < 其雑戸陵戸籍。則更写一通。各送本司。 > 所須紙筆等調度。 < 謂。墨軸帙帯之類。即食[米斤]者。用官物給。其計帳亦出紙筆等調度也。 > 皆出当戸。国司勘量所湏 [須] 多少。臨時斟酌。不得侵損百姓。其籍至官。並即先納後勘。 < 謂。先納中務民部。後更勘撿也。 > 若有増減隠没 < 謂。増減者。年紀不依実也。隠者。藉不上也。没者。詐生注死也。 > 不同。随状下推。国承錯失。即於省籍具注事由。 < 謂。失錯之由。具注省藉也。 > 国亦注帳藉[籍]。 < 謂。帳者。計帳也。籍者。戸籍也。 > (SZKT RG:96-97)

Translation   Always: [Forthcoming.]

Japanese translation   戸籍は、６年に１度作ること。１１月上旬より着手し、式に依って検討作成すること。里ごとに１巻とすること。全部で３通写すこと。つぎ目に皆、その国、その郡、その里、その年の籍と注記すること。５月３０日までに終えること。２通は太政官に申し送ること。１通は国に留めること。 < 雑戸・陵戸の籍は、さらに１通写して、それぞれ本司に送ること。 > 用いるところの紙・筆等の調度は、皆、当該の戸に出させること。国司は用いるところの量を計算して、臨時に斟酌すること。百姓を侵損することはできない。籍が太政官に到着したならば、いずれもまずすぐに納めて、その後検討せよ。もし増減を隠没して矛盾するところがあれば、状況に応じて推問すること。国が、錯失したと承認したならば、すぐに省籍に、つぶさに事の理由を注記すること。国もまた、帳籍に注記すること。

Sansom's translation (Sansom 1934:138, brackets in original)

19. The household registers 戸籍 must be compiled every six years, starting from the beginning of the 11th month and following the prescribed forms (shiki 式). There shall be one volume (i.e. a separate roll) for each village, and three copies of each volume, all marked with the name of the province, district, village, and the year. The work shall be completed by the last day of the 5th month. Two copies shall be sent to the Chancellor's Office and one copy retained in the province.

Extra copies must be made of registers of households of special classes and sent to the appropriate government offices.

The household registers must be scrutinized for errors, omissions and fraudulent returns, by both the provincial and central government offices.

Ryō no gige, Koryō
Ordinance 8: Households
Article 28: Seven [grounds for compelling wife to] leave [household]

令義解、8 戸令、28 七出条

Kanbun   凡棄妻。須有七出之状。一無子。二淫泆。三不事舅姑。四口舌。五盗窃。六妬忌。七悪疾。皆夫手書棄之。与尊属近親同署。若不解書。画指為記。 妻雖有棄状。有三不去。一経持舅姑之喪。二娶時賤後貴。三有所受無所帰。即犯義絶。淫泆。悪疾。不拘此令。(SZKT RG:100)

Translation   Genereally: As for [a husband] abandoning [his] wife. There must be [he must have] [at least one of] SEVEN complaints [grounds] for which] she will leave [his household (register)]. One [the wife] is childless [has no son]. Two [the wife] is wanton and loose [cavorts with other men, commits adultry]. Three [the wife] does not serve [her] husband's father or mother. Four [the wife] mouths off and wags her tongue [talks too much, is quarrelsome]. Five [the wife] steals and snitches. Six [the wife] is jealous and envious [of, say, her husband's concubines]. Seven [the wife] is badly ill [has an intractable disease, such as leprosy]. In all [instances] [the husband] [must] hand write the [complaint or complaints for which he would] abandon [his wife]. And [lineal] ascendants and near relatives [must] in common sign [the petition]. Should [one] be unable to write, stroking [impressing] [one's] finger [on the petition] is to be the record [mark] [of one's signature]. As for the wife, notwithstanding that [her husband] has grounds [to] abandon [her], there are THREE [situations in which] [she] shall not [have to] depart [the household]. One where [the wife has] managed and maintained [the household during] [carried out] the mourning of [her husband's] father and mother. Two at the time [her husband took her for his] [she became her husband's] wife [he, his household] was [of] base [mean, humble] and afterward [became] noble. Three there is no place [household] to return her where she would be received [accepted]. However should [she have] committed breaches of duty, or [been] wanton and loose, or [be] badly ill, [these three exceptions] will not restrict [mitigate] this ordinance.

Japanese translation   妻を棄てるには、以下の７つの理由があること。１には、子がないこと。２には淫乱。３には舅姑に仕えない。４には口舌。５には窃盗。６には妬忌。７には悪疾。皆、夫が手書して棄てること。尊属は、近親と同じく連署すること。もし文字が解らなければ、書指（署名代りに指の長さと節の位置を写し描いたもの）で証拠の印とすること。妻を棄てる状況があるといえども、３つ棄てることのできない理由がある。１には、妻が舅姑の喪をつとめ終えたとき。２には結婚したときに賤しくて、後に貴い身分となったとき。３には帰す実家がないとき。しかし、義絶、淫乱、悪疾を犯したならば、この令にかかわらない。

Sansom's translation (Sansom 1934:142, brackets in original)

28. The seven grounds for divorce (七出之狀) of a wife by her husband are

In all cases the husband must write a notice of divorce which must be signed jointly by the parents and near relatives. Those who cannot write must make their mark (i.e. finger print).

Even when there are grounds for divorce a wife shall not be sent away in any one of the following three cases:

But these exceptions shall not apply if she has been guilty of a grave offence against piety or of adultery or has a bad disease.

Ryō no gige
Ordinance 8: Households
Article 35: Like color to marry

令義解、8 戸令、35 当色為婚条

Kanbun 凡陵戸。官戸。家人。公私奴婢。皆当色為婚。(SZKT RG:103-104)

Translation   Tomb households [tomb keepers]. Official households [servants of court or ministries]. House people [clan, family servants]. Public [government] and private [male and female] slaves. All are to marry a [person of] corresponding color [like status].

Japanese translation   陵戸、官戸、家人、公私の奴婢（公奴婢・私奴婢）は、皆、同種同身分間で婚姻すること。

Sansom's translation (Sansom 1934:145)

35. Tomb serfs and public serfs, servants, public and private slaves may marry only in their own category.

Comments

RG 08-35 commentary

Ryō no gige makes the following observations about Article 35 in Ordinance 8. The translation, and the underscoring in both the kanbun text and the translation, are mine. The green highlighting marks identical phrasing in the Tang code and commentary (see below).

The commentary in the Ryō no gige, on which Sansom has apparently based the above statement, makes the following observations. The translation, and the underscoring in both the kanbun and translation, are mine.

Sansom's commentary on RG 08-35

Sansom comments at great length on what he calls the "free people" and the "base people" and on the five categories of the latter (Sansom 1934:145-147).

It is even more probable, though, that the law never gained much respect. All evidence suggests that it was the work of Sinified Yamato authorities with too much time on their hands and an impulse to impose a Tangesque social order on their subjects. And apparently people ignored it to the point that it became unenforceable.

Similar phrasing in Tang code and commentary

Some of the phrasing in the Ryō no gige commentary on Article 35 of Ordinance 8 is identical to phrasing in Táng lù shū yì (唐律疏義), a contemporary commentary on the Tang code (唐律 Táng lù). Both the writers of the Taihō and Yōrō codes, and the legalists who compiled Ryō no gige, would have had this work at hand.

Several articles of the Tang code touch upon the disposition of "marriages that violate the code" (違律為婚), but Article 192 is most germain to RG 08-35. Because this article contains at lot that is of interest to status generally, I have shown a version of the original text, and an English rendering by Wallace Johnson in the second volume of study and translation of the Tang code (Johnson 1997:171-172, brackets in original). The green highlighting marks identical phrasing in RG 08-35 commentary (see above).

Ryō no gige
Ordinance 8: Households
Article 42: Becoming husband and wife

令義解、8 戸令、42 為夫妻条

Kanbun 凡官戸。陵戸。家人。公私奴婢。与良人為夫妻。所生男女。不知情者従良。皆離之。其逃亡所生男女。皆従賤。(SZKT RG:105)

See comments on "Status terms" and "Good and base" below for glosses on underscored terms.

Translation   Always: Where [1] [a member of] an official household [official servant], or [2] [a member of] a tomb household [tomb tender], or [3] a house person [clan or family servant], or [4] a public [government] or [5] a private male slave or female slave, and a good person have become husband and wife, there is born a man or a woman, [when] [the good person] did not know the circumstances [of the base person's status], [the man or the woman] will follow [conventions for] [be treated as] [be affiliated with] good [people]. All [spouses found to have married in such ignorance] will separate. Where [the husband and wife] have fled and flown there is born a man or a woman, all [such offspring] will follow [conventions for] [be treat as] [be affiliated with] base [affiliates].

Japanese translation   官戸、陵戸、家人、公私の奴婢（公奴婢・私奴婢）が、良人と結婚して生んだところの男女は、賎であるとの実情を知らなかった場合には、良人に属させること。皆、離婚させること。逃亡して生んだところの男女は、皆、賎に属させること。

Sansom's translation (Sansom 1934:147, brackets in original)

42. When a slave is married to a free person, children born of the marriage shall, if the marriage was contracted without knowledge [that one party was a slave] follow the status of the free party. The parties shall be separated.

Where [one of the parties] has absconded and a child is born, it shall follow the status of the unfree party.

[The commentaries do not agree on the meaning of this second clause; but it seems that absconding was taken as showing that the parties were aware that one was a slave.]

Comments

Status terms

官戸 (kanko)   A household owned by the government or a member of such a household, hence also meaning a "government" or "official" servant.

"Household" reflects the fact that members were allowed to have families, and were allocated land and taxed the same as "good people" (see below). As such they were higher in status than government (official) slaves (see below), but as chattels of the government their movements were restricted. They were supervised by the "Government slave office" (官奴司 Kannushi, Kannu no tsukasa, Yatsuko no tsukasa).

Public slaves and government servants who reached the age of 76 became "good" (RG 08-38).

陵戸 (ryōko)   A household attached to the "Mausoleum office" (諸陵司 Shoryōshi), or a member of which, hence tomb tender or caretaker. The office was in charge of burying, and performing funeral and memorial rites for, deceased sovereigns, the wife and principal consorts of a sovereign, princes and princesses, and other near relatives. Attached households cared for the burial mounds and graves, and associated grounds, in lieu of paying taxes.

家人 (kenin)   Not a household but a servant in a clan or family household, higher in status than a private slave (see below). Such persons, like slaves, were counted as part a household's property and as such became an of object of inheritance, but unlike slaves were not bought or sold, and they were allowed have have families.

公私奴婢 (kushi nuhi)   Public [court, government, ministerial] and private [clan, family household] male slaves and female slaves. Separtely called "public slaves" (公奴婢 kunuhi) and "private slaves" (私奴婢 shinuhi). Public slaves also called "government slaves" (官奴婢 kannuhi). Such people were the property of their public (court, government, ministerial) or private (clan, household) owners, and as such they were objects of inheritance and trade.

As a stand-alone compound 奴婢 (nuhi) may be a generic term for "slave", as can just 奴 (yatsuko, yakko) or 奴隷 (dorei). However, the component graphs mean "male slave" (奴 nu, do, yatsuko, yakko) and "female slave" (婢 nu, hashitame), and often they need to be translated as such.

良人 (ryōnin)   Good person. Equivalent to 良民 (ryōmin), meaning "good subject / affiliate" in constrast with 賤民 (senmin), meaning "base subject / affiliate". 賤人 (senjin) is also found but the prevalent term was 賤民 (senmin), especially as 賤民 came to embrace an amorphous class of itinerant entertainers, convicted criminals, and others who were classified as 非人 (hinin), meaning "not person".

良 (ryō)   Short for everything related to the status of being "good" as opposed to "base" (see below) -- i.e., "good people" or "good subjects" themselves, or the customs of such people, or the laws that governed the status and treatment of such people.

賤 (sen)   Short for everything related to the status of being "base" as opposed to "good" (see above) -- i.e., "base subjects" and their ways of life and related laws.

Good and base

良賤 (ryōsen) refers to both "good" and "base" classes and castes. 貴賤 (kisen) refers to both "noble and base" people, meaning sometimes "good" and "base" and sometimes "noble" (貴 ki) and "ignoble" if not just "high" and "low". In some cases, "noble" (貴 ki) is used to describe people who held a "cap rank" (冠位 kan'i) of a specified higher order.

良賤婚姻 (ryōsen kon'in) or "good-base marriage" referred to a marriage between a man and woman of "good" and "base" status.

As used in reference to European social history, the term "morganatic marriage" refers to a marriage between royalty and non-royalty, and as such is often translated 貴賤結婚 (kisen kekkon) or "noble-base marriage" in Japanese. A title of nobility was either lost when a male of noble status married a commoner, or did not pass to a son born to his commoner wife, who also might not inherit mcuh if anything of her husband's property. Some of the "morganauts" that resulted from such unions, though, continued to posture as people of noble status.

In Japan, too, alliances across class and caste boundaries could effect the status of one or the other party, and the status of the children of mixed marriages were determined by customary or statute law, as we see here.

One obvious example would be the different treatment of women in "back court" of a male sovereign, where his wife had one status, and his concubines had a variety of statuses. A concubine of a male sovereign might later become his wife, and concubines could be ambitious. A prince's standing in the line of succession formally depending who his mother was and sibling order, but this did not stop ambitious princes, sometimes with the backing of ambitious mothers or maternal relatives, from vying for power.

While Japanese family law today no longer recognizes concubines as such, it continues to differentiate between the children of a man's legal wife (which are assumed to be his by fact of the marriage), and children he has recognized whose mother is other than his wife. Such children, and their mothers, are treated differently according their legal status in relation to the man.

良 (ryō) thus contrasted with 賤 (sen), which embraced all of the above-listed classes and castes -- government servants, tomb tenders, private servants, government slaves and private slaves -- which were widely referred to as "the base [people] of five colors" 五色之賤 (goshiki no sen) or simply "the five colors" (五賤 gosen) -- "color" being a metaphor for "category" and alluding to the different colors of garments that might identify one's status.

Children born to base subjects and masters

Article 43 provides that, in the case of a man or a woman [person] who was born in a situation where a house servant or male slave committed an indiscretion (奸 = 姧) with the master or someone five degrees or higher (four, three, two, one) of relationship to the master, will "sink to the government" (凡家人奴。奸 [= 姧] 主及主五等以上親。所生男女。各没官。SZKT RG:105). In other words, such people will be ascribed to one or another base status, and whatever land or other property they may have inherited will go to the court.

However, the commentary to Article 43 states that, in the case of rape (強奸), such offspring will be treated as "good people" (良人. They will also be treated as "good" should the master and the slave not have been aware, until after their indiscretion, that their status relationship was not suitable, according to the codes and abiding by the provisions for not knowing the law at the time of the crime.

Ryō no gige
Ordinance 9: Fields
Article 3: Per-capita division
Article 21: [Every] six years, one partitioning

令義解、9 田令、3 口分条

Kanbun   凡給口分田者。男二段。 < 女減三分之一。 > 五年以下不給。其地有寛狭者。従郷土法。 < Interlineal text omitted > 易田倍給。 < Interlineal text omitted > 給訖。具録町段及四至。(SZKT RG:107)

Translation   Always: [When] providing fields by per-capita division. A male will [be provided] two tan. < A woman less by one-third. > [A child] under five years will not be provided [land]. [When] this land has broadness [more than enough cultivatable land] or narrowness [insufficient cultivatable land]. Follow village-land [local village] laws [standards]. < Interlineal text omitted > [In the case of] cheap [less fertile] fields provide double. < Interlineal text omitted > [When] the giving is finished. In detail record the [areas in units of] chō and tan (町段) and the four limits [in the cardinal directions].

Japanese translation   口分田の班給は、男に２段 < 女は３分の１減ずること > 。５歳以下には班給しない。土地が余地があったり不足したりする場合は、郷土の法に従わすこと。易田（地味が薄く隔年で耕種する田）は、２倍にして班給すること。班給を終えたならば、つぶさに町段及び四至（東西南北の隣接地）を記録すること。

Aston's translation   (Aston 2:207-208, note 1; underscoring and related comment mine)

In granting Kō-bun-den (land shared in proportion to population) men shall have two tan, women a third less, and children under five years of age none. Lands are granted for a term of six years.

Lands are granted for a term of six years   Aston has imported this from Article 21 (see next).

令義解、9 田令、21 六年一班条

Kanbun   凡田。六年一班。 < 神田。寺田。不在此限。 > 若以身死応退田者。毎至班年。即従収授。(SZKT RG:110-111)

Translation   Always: Fields. Six years one division. < God [shrine] fields. Temple fields. [There shall] not exist this limitation. > If because a person dies. [And] accordingly leaves [withdraws from] the field. When comes a division year, then [The next] Every coming of a division year. Immediately follow [procedures for] settling collections.

Japanese translation   田は、６年に１度班給すること｛神田、寺田は、この限りにあらず｝。もし死亡を以て田を退いた者については、次の班年に至るごとに、すぐ収公すること。